Chroniques d'une photographe,specialiste des droits humains en Palestine et ailleurs, Chronicles of a French photographer, specialist in human rights, in Palestine and elsewhere
Sunday, October 30, 2005
Sur le chemin de l'ecole d'Anata/ On the way to Anata's school
(c) Anne Paq
Dimanche 30 octobre, 2005.
Je me souviendrai longtemps de cette image : cette femme palestinienne courant après une jeep militaire israélienne qui amène son fils vers une destination inconnue. Le garçon apeuré dans la jeep a 8 ans, il s’appelle Saïd et habite le village de Anata.
Aujourd’hui je suis retournée à Anata pour visiter l’école des garçons. Il y a trois semaines, une manifestation avait ete organisee afin de protester contre le projet de construction du Mur devant l’école. Anata est pourtant situé aux confins de la localité de Jérusalem. Ses habitants dépendent de Jérusalem pour tout ce qui est services, soins médicaux, travail. L’érection du Mur, qui vise surtout à protéger la colonie située sur la colline d’en face ; représente donc une catastrophe pour eux.
Désormais un Mur se dresse au milieu de la cour de l’école, non seulement bouchant la vue mais réduisant considérablement l’espace de jeu pour les 800 élèves de l’école. Le Mur est impressionnant, avec une hauteur de plus de 9 metres. Que peuvent ressentir les eleves Palestiniens qui jouent dans son ombre ? Un des membres du personnel de l’école m’indique que les heurts sont pratiquement quotidiens entre les élèves et les soldats. En effet quand je sors de l’école, je vois des enfants jeter des pierres en direction du site de construction du mur et tout à coup se mettre à courir. Puis tout s’accélère, des soldats surgissent dans mon dos, et attrapent un des enfants. Je suis interloquée et essaye de les suivre en photographiant et en leur criant qu’il s’agit d’un enfant. Le jeune garçon est effrayé et se met à pleurer. Quelques habitants accourent, les soldats font alors passer l’enfant derrière un mur et l’emmène sur la site de la construction du Mur. Quelques Palestiniens les suivent et essayent de convaincre les soldats de relâcher l’enfant. Les soldats font mine de ne pas parler anglais pour ne pas me donner d’explication. La mere de l’enfant les implore. Rien n’y fait. La jeep militaire est parti. Je ne sais pas ce qu’il va advenir de cet enfant. Il y a en ce moment plus de 300 enfants incarcérés dans les prisons israéliennes. Ils peuvent être condamnés pour des années pour avoir jeter des pierres. Aurais-je dû davantage insister auprès des soldats ? Ce soir, j’ai la nausée soir en repensant au visage apeuré de Said, à sa mère derrière la jeep et à mon impuissance.
Ps : Le soir, la famille nous a confirmé que le garçon avait été relâché après plusieurs heures. Il était encore sous le choc. Le père a dû signé un papier indiquant que, la prochaine fois, il devra payer une amende de 20,000 shekels ( environ 4000 euros).
ENGLISH
Sunday, 30 October
I will remember for a long time this image: a Palestinian woman who runs after an Israeli military jeep that takes away her son. His name is Said, he is 8 years old and lives in Anata.
Today I went back to Anata to visit the boys’ school. I went there three weeks ago for a demonstration against the project of the construction of the Wall in front of the school. Three weeks later I heard that the Wall has been built, just in the middle of the school’s yard, leaving just very little space for the 800 children to play. The Wall is massive, over 9 meters there. What can the children feel when they play in the shadow of it? One member of the school told me that the soldiers almost come everyday, thus provoking clashes with the children. As a matter of fact, as I walked outside the school I saw some children throwing stones at the soldiers standing at the construction site of the Wall. Then everything went very fast. The children started to run and two soldiers suddenly appeared and caught the first boy they could. I did not really what to do, I tried to take some pictures and shouted at them that he was only a child but they did not care. Some Palestinians quickly came to protest but then the soldiers carried away the crying boy to the site of the construction of the Wall. Again, some Palestinians followed and tried to convince the soldiers to release him. But there was no way; they drove away while his desperate mother was running behind it. I do not know what will happen to that boy. Some over 300 children are currently in Israeli jails and some of them were convicted for years to have thrown stones. Should have I shouted louder? Thinking about the face of the frightened boy, her mother running behind the jeep, and my powerlessness, I feel sick tonight, and angry.
Ps: tonight we could talk to the family, the boy was returned to his home, after having been detained several hours. He was still shattered and frigthened. The army made the father signed a paper. Next time, he will have a pay a fine of 20,000 shekels (around 5,000 dollars).
Saturday, October 29, 2005
colonisation de Hebron/ colonization of Hebron
(c) Anne Paq.
Hebron etait un peu plus animee que la derniere fois ou j'y suis allee. nous avons pu rentrer dans la partie de la vieille ville d'habitude reservee aux colons et aux quelques residents Palestiniens qui y demeurent encore. dans cette partie, les rues sont vide, les drapeaux israeliens sont omnispresents ainsi que la presence militaire. encore cette semaine les colons ont attaque des residents Palestiniens avec des pierres. Une ballade dans la vieille ville donne toujours froid dans le dos.
Hebron was a little bit more animated this time. we could enter one part of the Old City that I could not access last time because it has become "for colons only" and for the few remaining Palestinians that still live there. once a busy part of the old city has transformed itself into deserted streets full of Israeli flags and Israeli military. Once again this week, the settlers attacked some Palestinians with stones. A walk in the Old city always makes you uncomfortable and despressed.
Thursday, October 27, 2005
good article from Jeff Halper
Setting up Abbas
Jeff Halper, The Electronic Intifada, 25 October 2005
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas meets with the International Middle East envoy James Wolfensohn in Gaza City Friday October 7, 2005. (Photo: MAANnews/Wesam Saleh)
From Sharon's point of view it's a done deal. Israel has won its century-old conflict with the Palestinians. Surveying the landscape - physical and political alike - the Israeli Prime Minister has finally fulfilled the task with which he was charged 38 years ago by Menachem Begin: ensure permanent Israel control over the entire Land of Israel while foreclosing the emergence of a viable Palestinian state.
With unlimited resources at his disposal, Sharon set out to establish irreversible "facts on the ground" that would preempt any process of negotiations. Supported by both Likud and Labor governments, he oversaw the establishment of some 200 settlements (almost 400 if you include the “outposts”) on land expropriated from Palestinians in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. Today almost a half million Israelis live across the 1967 border. With financial backing of the Clinton Administration, a system of twenty-nine highways was constructed in the Occupied Territories to incorporate the settlements into Israel proper. In the meantime 96% of the Palestinians were locked into what Sharon calls ”cantons,” dozens of tiny enclaves, deprived of the right to move freely and now being literally imprisoned behind concrete walls twice as high as the Berlin Wall and electrified fence. Although comprising half the population of the country between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, the Palestinians - including those with Israeli citizenship - are confined to just 15% of the country.
In order to secure permanent Israeli control, however, the “facts on the ground” had to be legitimized as permanent political facts. International law defines occupation as a temporary situation resolvable only through negotiations. It prohibits an Occupying Power from taking any steps that make its control permanent, specifically transferring one's population into an occupied territory and building settlements. Indeed, international law holds an Occupying Power such as Israel responsible for the well-being of the civilian population under its control. For help in by-passing international law and transforming Israel's Occupation into a permanent reality, Sharon turned to Israel's one and only patron in such matters, the US, which promptly obliged.
In April, 2004, the Bush Administration formally recognized Israel's settlement blocs - euphemistically called “major population centers” - thus unilaterally removing from the Palestinians 20-30% of the already truncated area in which they wished to establish a small state of their own. It was tantamount to Mexico requesting that Spain return Bush's Texas. Israel's annexation of its settlement blocs was subsequently approved almost unanimously by Congress: in the House by a vote of 407-9, in the Senate by 95-3.
Still, Israel needs a Palestinian state. Although the annexation of the settlement blocs gives Israel complete control over the entire country between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, it needs to "get rid of" the almost four million Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories to which it can neither give citizenship nor keep in a state of permanent bondage. What Sharon seeks, and what Bush has agreed to, is a truncated Palestinian mini-state, a Bantustan, a prison-state on 10-15% of the country that relieves Israel of the Palestinian population while leaving it firmly in control of the country and its resources. Whether or not we like the term, this amounts to full-blown apartheid, the permanent and institutionalized domination of one people over another.
Having created irreversible “facts of the ground” and gotten American political recognition of an expanded Israel, Sharon lacks just one last piece to make Israeli apartheid official: either the signature of a Palestinian quisling-leader agreeing to a mini-state, or an excuse to unilaterally impose it. Arafat refused to play that role. Now it is Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' turn. When, just this week, Sharon's advisor on strategy, Eyal Arad, raised the possibility of turning unilateral disengagement into a strategy that would allow Israel to draw its own borders, the message to Abbas was clear: Either you cooperate or lose any input whatsoever into a political resolution of the conflict.
Sharon, in short, is priming Abbas for a set up, another “generous offer.” It worked well for Barak, why not try it again, this time for the whole pot? What would Abbas say if Sharon offered Gaza, 70-80% of the West Bank and a symbolic presence in East Jerusalem? True, it is not a just or viable solution. The Palestinians would be confined to five or six cantons on 15% of the entire country or less, with no control of their borders, their water, even their airspace. Jerusalem, now encased in a massive Israeli “Greater Jerusalem,” would be denied them, thereby removing the political, cultural, religious and economic heart of any Palestinian state. Israel would retain its settlement blocs and 80% of its settlers. But Sharon's “generous offer” would look good on the map and, he believes, viability is simply too complicated a concept for most people, including decision-makers, to grasp. But for Abbas it sets up a no-win situation. Say “yes” and you will be the quisling leader Israel has been looking for all these years, the one who agreed to a non-viable mini-state, to apartheid. Say “no” and Sharon will pounce: “See?! The Palestinians have refused yet another Generous Offer! They obviously do not want peace!” And Israel, off the hook, will be free to expand its control of the Occupied Territories for years to come, protected from criticism by American-backed annexation of the settlement blocs.
Israeli unilateralism means only one thing: it has nothing to offer the Palestinians, nothing worth negotiating over. The Road Map asserts that only a true end of the Occupation and the establishment of a viable Palestinian state will finally see the end of this conflict with its global implications. A genuine two-state solution may already be dead, the victim of Israeli expansionism. A two-state “solution” based on apartheid cannot be an alternative accepted by any of us. Yet apartheid is upon us once again. Sharon must act fast to complete his life's work before his term of office expires within the next year. This is the crunch. We cannot afford to have our attention deflected by any other issue, important as it may be. It is either a just and viable solution now or apartheid now. We may well be facing the prospect of another full-fledged anti-apartheid struggle just a decade and a half after the fall of apartheid in South Africa. In my view, the next three to six months will tell.
Jeff Halper is the Coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions
Jeff Halper, The Electronic Intifada, 25 October 2005
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas meets with the International Middle East envoy James Wolfensohn in Gaza City Friday October 7, 2005. (Photo: MAANnews/Wesam Saleh)
From Sharon's point of view it's a done deal. Israel has won its century-old conflict with the Palestinians. Surveying the landscape - physical and political alike - the Israeli Prime Minister has finally fulfilled the task with which he was charged 38 years ago by Menachem Begin: ensure permanent Israel control over the entire Land of Israel while foreclosing the emergence of a viable Palestinian state.
With unlimited resources at his disposal, Sharon set out to establish irreversible "facts on the ground" that would preempt any process of negotiations. Supported by both Likud and Labor governments, he oversaw the establishment of some 200 settlements (almost 400 if you include the “outposts”) on land expropriated from Palestinians in the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. Today almost a half million Israelis live across the 1967 border. With financial backing of the Clinton Administration, a system of twenty-nine highways was constructed in the Occupied Territories to incorporate the settlements into Israel proper. In the meantime 96% of the Palestinians were locked into what Sharon calls ”cantons,” dozens of tiny enclaves, deprived of the right to move freely and now being literally imprisoned behind concrete walls twice as high as the Berlin Wall and electrified fence. Although comprising half the population of the country between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, the Palestinians - including those with Israeli citizenship - are confined to just 15% of the country.
In order to secure permanent Israeli control, however, the “facts on the ground” had to be legitimized as permanent political facts. International law defines occupation as a temporary situation resolvable only through negotiations. It prohibits an Occupying Power from taking any steps that make its control permanent, specifically transferring one's population into an occupied territory and building settlements. Indeed, international law holds an Occupying Power such as Israel responsible for the well-being of the civilian population under its control. For help in by-passing international law and transforming Israel's Occupation into a permanent reality, Sharon turned to Israel's one and only patron in such matters, the US, which promptly obliged.
In April, 2004, the Bush Administration formally recognized Israel's settlement blocs - euphemistically called “major population centers” - thus unilaterally removing from the Palestinians 20-30% of the already truncated area in which they wished to establish a small state of their own. It was tantamount to Mexico requesting that Spain return Bush's Texas. Israel's annexation of its settlement blocs was subsequently approved almost unanimously by Congress: in the House by a vote of 407-9, in the Senate by 95-3.
Still, Israel needs a Palestinian state. Although the annexation of the settlement blocs gives Israel complete control over the entire country between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River, it needs to "get rid of" the almost four million Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories to which it can neither give citizenship nor keep in a state of permanent bondage. What Sharon seeks, and what Bush has agreed to, is a truncated Palestinian mini-state, a Bantustan, a prison-state on 10-15% of the country that relieves Israel of the Palestinian population while leaving it firmly in control of the country and its resources. Whether or not we like the term, this amounts to full-blown apartheid, the permanent and institutionalized domination of one people over another.
Having created irreversible “facts of the ground” and gotten American political recognition of an expanded Israel, Sharon lacks just one last piece to make Israeli apartheid official: either the signature of a Palestinian quisling-leader agreeing to a mini-state, or an excuse to unilaterally impose it. Arafat refused to play that role. Now it is Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas' turn. When, just this week, Sharon's advisor on strategy, Eyal Arad, raised the possibility of turning unilateral disengagement into a strategy that would allow Israel to draw its own borders, the message to Abbas was clear: Either you cooperate or lose any input whatsoever into a political resolution of the conflict.
Sharon, in short, is priming Abbas for a set up, another “generous offer.” It worked well for Barak, why not try it again, this time for the whole pot? What would Abbas say if Sharon offered Gaza, 70-80% of the West Bank and a symbolic presence in East Jerusalem? True, it is not a just or viable solution. The Palestinians would be confined to five or six cantons on 15% of the entire country or less, with no control of their borders, their water, even their airspace. Jerusalem, now encased in a massive Israeli “Greater Jerusalem,” would be denied them, thereby removing the political, cultural, religious and economic heart of any Palestinian state. Israel would retain its settlement blocs and 80% of its settlers. But Sharon's “generous offer” would look good on the map and, he believes, viability is simply too complicated a concept for most people, including decision-makers, to grasp. But for Abbas it sets up a no-win situation. Say “yes” and you will be the quisling leader Israel has been looking for all these years, the one who agreed to a non-viable mini-state, to apartheid. Say “no” and Sharon will pounce: “See?! The Palestinians have refused yet another Generous Offer! They obviously do not want peace!” And Israel, off the hook, will be free to expand its control of the Occupied Territories for years to come, protected from criticism by American-backed annexation of the settlement blocs.
Israeli unilateralism means only one thing: it has nothing to offer the Palestinians, nothing worth negotiating over. The Road Map asserts that only a true end of the Occupation and the establishment of a viable Palestinian state will finally see the end of this conflict with its global implications. A genuine two-state solution may already be dead, the victim of Israeli expansionism. A two-state “solution” based on apartheid cannot be an alternative accepted by any of us. Yet apartheid is upon us once again. Sharon must act fast to complete his life's work before his term of office expires within the next year. This is the crunch. We cannot afford to have our attention deflected by any other issue, important as it may be. It is either a just and viable solution now or apartheid now. We may well be facing the prospect of another full-fledged anti-apartheid struggle just a decade and a half after the fall of apartheid in South Africa. In my view, the next three to six months will tell.
Jeff Halper is the Coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions
Friday, October 21, 2005
La Cisjordanie est miserable sous la pluie/ The West Bank is miserable under the rain
La cisjordanie est si miserable sous la pluie. Elle est arrivée sans crier gare pendant la nuit, accompagnée de ces amis fidèle, le brouillard et la pluie. Je n ai evidemment pas de parapluie ni d’imperméable, comme la plupart des Palestiniens. J’ai du appeler un taxi pour sortir de ma vallée. Les rues sont évidemment mal entretenues et se transforment en rivière. Je n’ose pas imaginer les gens Palestiniens qui attendent aux checkpoints. Le soir il fait nuit à 17h30. La Cisjordanie est si misérable sous la pluie.
ENGLISH
The West Bank is so miserable under the rain. The rain arrives without warning, during the night. She came along with its two friends, the mist and the wind. Of course I do not have an umbrella or a raincoat, as most Palestinians and I ended up being quite wet. During the day, the streets have become rivers. I prefer not to imagine the Palestinians that have to wait at checkpoints under that rain. It is dark at 5.30. Indeed, the West Bank is miserable under the rain.
Le Mur construit dans l' ecole de Anata/ The Wall built in Anata' schools
Deux photos prises à deux semaines d’intervalle a l’ecole des garçons de Anata, qui fait partie de Jerusalem. La manifestation n’a pas empêché la construction du Mur, en plein milieu de la cour.
Two pictures taken at the boys’ school of Anata. The demonstration did not prevent the building of the Wall, just in the middle of the school.
Monday, October 10, 2005
Peut-on avoir une routine en Palestine? Can we have a routine in Palestine?
Lundi 10 Octobre
Peut-on s’installer dans une routine en Palestine ?
C’est la question que je me suis posée lors de ma première semaine de travail à l’université de Birzeit (principale université de Palestine qui se site à quelques kilomètres de Ramallah). A priori tout se passe comme partout ailleurs. Au travail à huit heures, non-stop jusqu’à 15h- on finit plus tôt à cause/grâce au Ramadan. L’université manque de moyens certes et un défilé de jeune en cagoules et uniformes militaires suite aux élections municipales m’a rappelé où je me trouvais. Mais je me retrouve derrière un bureau et un ordinateur. Le soir, on rentre vite chez soi pour se faire à manger, à moins que je m’arrête chez la famille palestinienne chez qui je m’invite tout le temps. J’ai le vendredi et le dimanche de libres. Vais-je avoir l’énergie de partir en vadrouille pour faire des photos ? Ce vendredi je suis restée chez moi, à faire du ménage et à me détendre, et dimanche aussi je ne suis allée nulle part. Alors peut-t-on s’installer dans une routine ici?
Alors ce matin, après avoir hésité je n’ai pas pris avec moi mon gros appareil photo, tout en pensant : « bon bien sûr comme je ne vais pas prendre mon appareil il va évidemment se passer quelque chose… ». Aujourd’hui je suis partie de la faculté à 16h, et dès mon entrée dans le service (taxi collectif) tout le monde ne parlait que de l’instauration d’un checkpoint temporaire (flying checkpoint) à Surda (sortie nord de Ramallah). En effet après quelques kilomètres nous nous sommes trouvés coincés dans un embouteillage provoqué par ce checkpoint. Des soldats et jeeps israéliennes barraient la route et contrôlaient les voitures. A ce même endroit un véritable barrage avait été instauré pendant des mois en 2002-2003, ce qui avait complètement paralysé l’université. Les étudiants avaient même organisé des cours devant le barrage pour protester.
Nous sommes tous descendus du checkpoint pour continuer à pied. Il fallait marcher sur au moins deux kilomètres à travers le chaos des voitures, des klaxons et la poussières. Au milieu des soldats avec leur qui font ou non passer les gens selon leur bon vouloir par un geste de la main arrogant. J’ai pris quelques photos avec mon petit appareil photo, enfin de lion car de près le soldat m’a fait effacer les photos que j’avais prises.
Cela m’a pris près d’une heure trente pour arriver alors que sans chekpoint cela prend 15 minutes.
Pour les personnes qui ne sont pas passés à pied et sont restés dans les voitures, je suis sûre qu’ils ne sont pas rentrés à temps chez eux pour le repas du Ramadan, ce qui est particulièrement cruel. Ainsi la vie quotidienne peut être régulièrement interrompue. Est-ce qu’on peut aussi s’habituer à cela ?
ENGLISH. Monday, 10 October.
Can we get into a routine in Palestine ?
As I spent my first week at work, at the University of Birzeit I was asking myself this question. I spent my days at my desk, doing some research on my computer as everywhere else. The university is quite nice, it is the main university in Palestine. Well there was still that parade of young masked men wearing military clothes after the local elections that made me remembered where I was. But apart from that, it is pretty much as everywhere else. I go to work at 8 until 3 pm (sooner that usual because of Ramadan), then I go home when I do not stop to eat with the Palestinian family I always go to. I have Fridays and Sundays off. Will I have the energy to go out those days to take pictures? I hope so but this week I just stayed at home (because it is so nice to have one!) and relax. So this morning I did not take my big camera but I also thought “well I am sure that just because I do not take it, surely something will happen”. And indeed, as soon as I got into the service (collective taxi) I heard the students talking about a flying checkpoint in Surda; located just north of ramallah. Then after a few kilometers we were stuck into a traffic jam provoked by the checkpoint. We all had to get out and walk through all the chaos, the cars, the dust, the klaxons. In the middle there were some soldiers and military jeeps. With an arrogant gesture of the hand, they decided if the persons and cars could pass or not. I took a few pictures with my small camera- from far away after that the soldiers erased the pictures that I took close to them. We had to walk for at least two kilometers and then again we had to find a taxi. It took me one hour and a half to arrive instead of 15 minutes. I am certain that the Palestinian who were in the cars will not be on time for their Ramadan dinner, which is particularly cruel. Thus day-to-day life can be interrupted. Can we also get used to it?
Peut-on s’installer dans une routine en Palestine ?
C’est la question que je me suis posée lors de ma première semaine de travail à l’université de Birzeit (principale université de Palestine qui se site à quelques kilomètres de Ramallah). A priori tout se passe comme partout ailleurs. Au travail à huit heures, non-stop jusqu’à 15h- on finit plus tôt à cause/grâce au Ramadan. L’université manque de moyens certes et un défilé de jeune en cagoules et uniformes militaires suite aux élections municipales m’a rappelé où je me trouvais. Mais je me retrouve derrière un bureau et un ordinateur. Le soir, on rentre vite chez soi pour se faire à manger, à moins que je m’arrête chez la famille palestinienne chez qui je m’invite tout le temps. J’ai le vendredi et le dimanche de libres. Vais-je avoir l’énergie de partir en vadrouille pour faire des photos ? Ce vendredi je suis restée chez moi, à faire du ménage et à me détendre, et dimanche aussi je ne suis allée nulle part. Alors peut-t-on s’installer dans une routine ici?
Alors ce matin, après avoir hésité je n’ai pas pris avec moi mon gros appareil photo, tout en pensant : « bon bien sûr comme je ne vais pas prendre mon appareil il va évidemment se passer quelque chose… ». Aujourd’hui je suis partie de la faculté à 16h, et dès mon entrée dans le service (taxi collectif) tout le monde ne parlait que de l’instauration d’un checkpoint temporaire (flying checkpoint) à Surda (sortie nord de Ramallah). En effet après quelques kilomètres nous nous sommes trouvés coincés dans un embouteillage provoqué par ce checkpoint. Des soldats et jeeps israéliennes barraient la route et contrôlaient les voitures. A ce même endroit un véritable barrage avait été instauré pendant des mois en 2002-2003, ce qui avait complètement paralysé l’université. Les étudiants avaient même organisé des cours devant le barrage pour protester.
Nous sommes tous descendus du checkpoint pour continuer à pied. Il fallait marcher sur au moins deux kilomètres à travers le chaos des voitures, des klaxons et la poussières. Au milieu des soldats avec leur qui font ou non passer les gens selon leur bon vouloir par un geste de la main arrogant. J’ai pris quelques photos avec mon petit appareil photo, enfin de lion car de près le soldat m’a fait effacer les photos que j’avais prises.
Cela m’a pris près d’une heure trente pour arriver alors que sans chekpoint cela prend 15 minutes.
Pour les personnes qui ne sont pas passés à pied et sont restés dans les voitures, je suis sûre qu’ils ne sont pas rentrés à temps chez eux pour le repas du Ramadan, ce qui est particulièrement cruel. Ainsi la vie quotidienne peut être régulièrement interrompue. Est-ce qu’on peut aussi s’habituer à cela ?
ENGLISH. Monday, 10 October.
Can we get into a routine in Palestine ?
As I spent my first week at work, at the University of Birzeit I was asking myself this question. I spent my days at my desk, doing some research on my computer as everywhere else. The university is quite nice, it is the main university in Palestine. Well there was still that parade of young masked men wearing military clothes after the local elections that made me remembered where I was. But apart from that, it is pretty much as everywhere else. I go to work at 8 until 3 pm (sooner that usual because of Ramadan), then I go home when I do not stop to eat with the Palestinian family I always go to. I have Fridays and Sundays off. Will I have the energy to go out those days to take pictures? I hope so but this week I just stayed at home (because it is so nice to have one!) and relax. So this morning I did not take my big camera but I also thought “well I am sure that just because I do not take it, surely something will happen”. And indeed, as soon as I got into the service (collective taxi) I heard the students talking about a flying checkpoint in Surda; located just north of ramallah. Then after a few kilometers we were stuck into a traffic jam provoked by the checkpoint. We all had to get out and walk through all the chaos, the cars, the dust, the klaxons. In the middle there were some soldiers and military jeeps. With an arrogant gesture of the hand, they decided if the persons and cars could pass or not. I took a few pictures with my small camera- from far away after that the soldiers erased the pictures that I took close to them. We had to walk for at least two kilometers and then again we had to find a taxi. It took me one hour and a half to arrive instead of 15 minutes. I am certain that the Palestinian who were in the cars will not be on time for their Ramadan dinner, which is particularly cruel. Thus day-to-day life can be interrupted. Can we also get used to it?
Wednesday, October 05, 2005
1er jour du Ramadan/ First Day of Ramadan
Vendredi 4 octobre 2005, premier jour du Ramadan.
Tout le monde discutait hier pour savoir si Ramadan allait commencer aujourd’hui ou non. Tout depend de la position de la lune. Ramadan est vraiment un temps spécial. Le rythme est différent. La journée de travail commence plus tard et nous avons fini à 15h parce qu’il faut se lever avant le lever du soleil, c’est-à-dire avant 4h du matin, pour déjeuner et pour prier. J’ai décidé aussi de jeûner, au moins un temps ; pour vivre au même rythme que tout le monde. Enfin aujourd’hui j’ai triché puisque j’ai bu. Comment pourrais-je survivre sans mon café ? Après le travail, je suis allée marcher dans les rues, tout le monde se pressait entre 15h et 16h pour acheter de la nourriture avant que les magasins ne ferment, spécialement les kataryes, sorte de petites crêpes délicieuses. Le repas était prévu à 17h27 exactement, cette fois le calcul est fait par rapport au coucher du soleil. Entre lever et coucher du soleil, pas de nourriture, pas d’eau mais aussi pas de cigarettes pour les fumeurs. La famille palestinienne que je connais tres bien a ramallah était presque tous la pour manger ensemble, chose très rare pour eux. Ramadan est aussi un temps pour la famille, où il faut plus prier, lire et faire attention aux autres.
Je me suis aussi rendue au checkpoint de Qalandia ; les personnes passaient à pied par contre en voiture, les files d’attentes étaient impressionnantes. Certains palestiniens ne seront pas chez eux à 17h27.
ENGLISH.
Friday, 4th of October 2005, first day of Ramadan/
Everybody was arguing yesterday to know if Ramadan would start today or not. All depends on the position of the almighty moon. Ramadan is a very special time. The rhythm is different, as well as the whole atmosphere. The working day starts earlier and finishes at 3pm; because if you follow Ramadan you are supposed to wake up before the sunrise (meaning before 4am) to have breakfast and to pray. I have also decided to fast, at least for some time, to have the same rhythm as everybody else. Well I have to say I cheated as I was drinking. But how can I survive without my cups of coffee. After work I have walked in the streets of Ramallah. The streets were full of people who hurried up to buy food between the shops closed. Especially they were buying the kafaryes, kind of small delicious pancakes. The authorized dinner was scheduled at 5.27 pm; according this time to the position of the almighty sun. Between the sunrise and the sunset, no food, no drinks and even no cigarettes for the smokers.
I went to a Palestinian family that has become my friends for the dinner. It was so nice to share that moment with them and almost everybody was there and sit together, which is extremely rare. Ramadan is also the time for the family; during which people have to pray more, to read and to devote more attention to others.
I also went to Qalandia checkpoint to see if there was no problem. The people that were passing the checkpoint by walking were fine. But the traffic jam for the cars that were waiting to be checked by the soldiers was impressive. For sure some Palestinians will not be at home for their 5.27 pm dinner.
Tout le monde discutait hier pour savoir si Ramadan allait commencer aujourd’hui ou non. Tout depend de la position de la lune. Ramadan est vraiment un temps spécial. Le rythme est différent. La journée de travail commence plus tard et nous avons fini à 15h parce qu’il faut se lever avant le lever du soleil, c’est-à-dire avant 4h du matin, pour déjeuner et pour prier. J’ai décidé aussi de jeûner, au moins un temps ; pour vivre au même rythme que tout le monde. Enfin aujourd’hui j’ai triché puisque j’ai bu. Comment pourrais-je survivre sans mon café ? Après le travail, je suis allée marcher dans les rues, tout le monde se pressait entre 15h et 16h pour acheter de la nourriture avant que les magasins ne ferment, spécialement les kataryes, sorte de petites crêpes délicieuses. Le repas était prévu à 17h27 exactement, cette fois le calcul est fait par rapport au coucher du soleil. Entre lever et coucher du soleil, pas de nourriture, pas d’eau mais aussi pas de cigarettes pour les fumeurs. La famille palestinienne que je connais tres bien a ramallah était presque tous la pour manger ensemble, chose très rare pour eux. Ramadan est aussi un temps pour la famille, où il faut plus prier, lire et faire attention aux autres.
Je me suis aussi rendue au checkpoint de Qalandia ; les personnes passaient à pied par contre en voiture, les files d’attentes étaient impressionnantes. Certains palestiniens ne seront pas chez eux à 17h27.
ENGLISH.
Friday, 4th of October 2005, first day of Ramadan/
Everybody was arguing yesterday to know if Ramadan would start today or not. All depends on the position of the almighty moon. Ramadan is a very special time. The rhythm is different, as well as the whole atmosphere. The working day starts earlier and finishes at 3pm; because if you follow Ramadan you are supposed to wake up before the sunrise (meaning before 4am) to have breakfast and to pray. I have also decided to fast, at least for some time, to have the same rhythm as everybody else. Well I have to say I cheated as I was drinking. But how can I survive without my cups of coffee. After work I have walked in the streets of Ramallah. The streets were full of people who hurried up to buy food between the shops closed. Especially they were buying the kafaryes, kind of small delicious pancakes. The authorized dinner was scheduled at 5.27 pm; according this time to the position of the almighty sun. Between the sunrise and the sunset, no food, no drinks and even no cigarettes for the smokers.
I went to a Palestinian family that has become my friends for the dinner. It was so nice to share that moment with them and almost everybody was there and sit together, which is extremely rare. Ramadan is also the time for the family; during which people have to pray more, to read and to devote more attention to others.
I also went to Qalandia checkpoint to see if there was no problem. The people that were passing the checkpoint by walking were fine. But the traffic jam for the cars that were waiting to be checked by the soldiers was impressive. For sure some Palestinians will not be at home for their 5.27 pm dinner.
Saturday, October 01, 2005
a la recherche de leurs olives perdues/ in the search of their lost olives
Vendredi 30 septembre 2005.
j'ai assiste a la manifestation hebdomadaire de Bilin, un petit village a l'ouest de Ramallah. le theme de cette semaine etait la cueillette des olives. la construction du Mur a Bilin a engendre la perte de la moitie des terres du village. ainsi les habitants de bilin ne pourront pas recolter les olives. La manifestation visait a essayer de recolter des olives dans la zone innacessibles. les soldats, en force, ne nous ont pas permis d'aller tres loin. apres avoir cueilli symboliquement des olives dans quelques arbres, la manifestation s'est pacifiquement terminee.
de nombreux israeliens ont participe, certains ont du faire deux heures de marches pour rejoindre bilin en evitant les barrages. le slogan etait simple: "arracher votre Mur, pas nos arbres".
Je suis revenue une nouvelles fois epuisee, 4 heures sous le soleil, dans la poussiere et sous tension, cela vous pompe toute votre energie. Ce qui m'a frappe c'est la participation des jeunes et enfants palestiniens. ils sont certainemement moins impressiones que moi par les soldats. ils narguaient litteralement les soldats, dancant devant eux. en particulier un enfant peut etre de dix ans portait fierement le drapeau palestinien et jouait a se mettre au plus prets des soldats et a agiter le drapeau sous leur ne, comme pour leur dire: "vous voyez, nous sommes encore la et vous ne pouvez tuer notre fierte et identite".
ENGLISH
Friday, 30 September 2005,
I went to the weekly demonstration in Bilin, a small village west of Ramallah surrounded by the Wall and settlements. the thematic of the week was the Olives harvest. the olive harvest season is about to start in Palestine and the inhabitants of Bilin will not have access to most of their trees as half of their lands have been taken by the construction of the Wall.
the aim of the peaceful demonstration was to try to access these trees and collect some olives. we could not go very far as many soldiers were waiting for the demonstrators to prevent them to go further near the construction site of the wall. nevertheless symbollically the inhabitants of Bilin climbed some trees and collected some olives in front of the soldiers. then the demonstration peacefully ended.
numerous Israelis participated and some of them had to walk for two hours to reach Bilin by avoiding the military checkpoints.
the slogan of the demonstration was simple: "uproot your wall, not our trees".
I came back to Ramallah totally exhausted. even of there wre no violence this time, it remains exhausting to stay under the sun for four hours and also to face the tensed situation with the soldiers. what struck me is the participation of the children and young Palestinians, they were dancing and provoking the soldiers. they are so used to have them around and are certainly not afraid. one particular boy, probably around 10, was standing in front of the soldiers with the Palestinian flag and was playing to come closer and closer. as we wanted to say: "you see we are still here and your are not killing our pride and identity"