Lundi 30 Janvier 2005; temps des elections en Palestine
Depuis les elections la Palestine est en ebullition. Tout le monde y va de son analyse.
Les elections ont provoqué des réactions au niveau international comme bien evidemment chez les Palestiniens. L'ampleur de la surprise a quelque peu occulté le fait que les elections se sont passées d'une manière remarquable dans des conditions difficiles. Les Palestiniens se sont rendus en masse dans les bureaux de vote. Le jour des elections, j' ai été impressionnée par l'organisation; l'enthousiasme et le serieux avec lesquels les Palestiniens ont considéré ces elections alors que malgré tout; ils n'ont pas encore leur pays et vivent sous occupation militaire.
On ne devrait pas être si surpris des résulats. Depuis dix ans d'existence de l'autorité palestinienne, la situation de la majorité des Palestiniens ne s'est pas améliorée, bien au contraire. Le processus de paix est au point mort depuis des années et l'autorité palestinienne n'a pu enrayé le processus de colonisation qui a rendu caduque sur le terrain les promesses de Oslo. Les raisons de la victoire du Hamas sont multiples, mais ce qui ressort c'est avant tout un vote de rejet de la politique du Fateh. L'autorité palestinienne n'a pas rempli son contrat auprès des Palestiniens et n'a servi qu'une elite qui a bien prospéré; tandis qu'elle s'est avérée incapable de développer une stratégie efficace de négociation avec Israël. Le Hamas a mené une campagne efficace au niveau local et alors que je voyageais les jours précédents les elections, j'ai pu constater combien il était présent dans les villages. Les Palestiniens ont voté pour le changement. Ainsi va le jeu démocratique.
A mon travail, depuis quelques jours les discussions vont bon train. Ce qui domine est l'incertitude. Certaines de mes collègues ont peur de l'impact sur les femmes. D'autres sont agacés de l'ingérence internationale ou encore certains sont inquiets pour le futur des négociations. Mais je dois dire que de nombreux Palestiniens dans la rue comme dans tous les niveaux sociaux ont vraiment l'espoir d'un changement. Que va-t-il se passer maintenant?
Il faut avant tout leur laisser le temps de digérer le tremblement de terre. Pour le Hamas, le défi est de taille. Le pouvoir va les amener à prendre leurs responsabilités.. Il a d'ailleurs modéré son discours et a appelé les autres partis à se joindre à lui pour former un nouveau gouvernement. Il s'est dit prêt à une paix avec Israël à certaines conditions. Il ne faut pas non plus oublier que la Palestine a une société civile dévéloppée qui fera aussi entendre sa voix et qu'il existe aussi des lois Palestiniennes; notamment une loi fondamentale, que le Hamas a promis de respecter. A cette croisée des chemins, j'espère que la communauté internationale saura donner ce temps nécessaire aux Palestiniens et au Hamas de se recomposer. Donner des leçons de démocratie et imposer un chantage à l'aide internationale d'une façon abrupte risque d'envoyer le mauvais message et d'avoir un effet non seulement contre-productif mais destructeur. Supprimer l'aide internationale ne fera que renforcer le desespoir et favoriser l'extremisme. La communauté internationale ne peut pas à la fois tout concéder à Israël; qui viole d'une façon évidente le droit international; et imposer des conditions radicales aux Palestiniens. Si la communauté internationale veut conditionner l'aide internationale à la renonciation de la violence et la reconnaissance de l'Etat israélien, elle devrait employer les mêmes moyens de pressions sur Israël.
A ce stade, il faut être vigilants, pas alarmistes. En tout cas, les Palestiniens ne doivent pas être punis car ils ont voté pour un choix qui ne nous convient pas. J'ai dialogué avec une Israélienne par internet, et nous étions d'accord: attendons de voir ce que le Hamas propose.
En attendant, les territoires palestiniens sont toujours occupés. Hier cela m'a pris trois heures pour me rendre à Hebron qui ne se trouve pourtant qu'à 70 kilomètres de Ramallah. Aussi est passée complêtement inaperçue la mort d'une fille de neuf ans, à Gaza. Elle a été tuée par des soldats israéliens alors qu'elle s'approchait du Mur. Selon leur rapport; ils ont vu une personne qui s'approchait d'unn zone militaire interdite avec un sac suspect et l'ont prévenue par haut parleur, certainement en Hébreu. Le corps de la fille n'a été trouvé que plusieurs heures plus tard. Est-ce que cette menaçait la sécurité d'Israël?
Les médias, alors qu'ils se font l'echo des inquietudes internationales face à l'election du Hamas; oublient de replacer les élections dans leur contexte, celle d'un peuple de plus en plus las des promesses non tenues: les promesses de ses leaders, des Israéliens mais aussi les nôtres.
Tuesday, January 31, 2006
Saturday, January 28, 2006
article on elections
Sharon's Last Victory Written by: Michal Warschawski Date: Friday, 27 January 2006
Alternative Information Center
http://www.alternativenews.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=373&Itemid=1&lang=ISO-8859-1
Hamas's decisive victory in the unquestionably democratic elections held in the Palestinian occupied territories is the result of many factors. However, above all else, it is a great victory for Ariel Sharon’s policy.
For decades the destruction of the PLO has been a strategic objective for the former Israeli PM, and this was not his first attempt; Sharon's bloody venture in Lebanon in 1982 represented a major effort to achieve this goal. However, despite both Israel's military might and ruthless brutality-- exemplified by its role in the Sabra and Shatila massacres-- the Lebanon invasion failed.
Back in power in 2001, Ariel Sharon was determined to succeed where he failed two decades before. Under the cover of a permanent and preventive war against terrorism, Sharon launched a bloody offensive against the leaders, activists and institutions of the Palestinian National Movement. The goal was the destruction of the movement, knowing full well that, if successful, the strategy would bring about the emergence of an alternative leadership.
“Israel has no Palestinian partner” was not the reason for the broad military offensive and Israel's policy of destruction in the occupied territories - it was the objective: for the former Israeli PM, unilateralism was the only way to achieve the Zionist goals, and negotiations were perceived as an obstacle which could force unacceptable compromises. It was therefore necessary to destroy any potential partner for future negotiations.
After neutralizing Yasser Arafat, the Israeli government destabilized the “moderate” Abu Mazen and continued the ongoing destruction of both Palestinian infrastructure and territorial continuity. Chaos, and on many occasions, terrorist attacks were the expected results of this policy, which only proved that there was still no Palestinian partner.
Israel intentionally prevented the Palestinian leadership from delivering anything to their public on either economic or political levels. This facilitated, as expected and predicted, the collapse of the leadership's popular support and the strengthening of the Islamic opposition. Indeed, Hamas is not only perceived as more capable but also removed from the failures of the Palestinian Authority. The vote for Hamas was more of a protest vote than an ideological one; it was a way to say “you failed, we don’t trust you anymore and we want to try something new.”
Ariel Sharon wanted a victory for Hamas so that he could even more convincingly claim that “we don’t have a partner for peace.” The election results will allow Israel to continue its unilateral steps of colonization, including some tactical military redeployments and the dismantling of un-manageable isolated settlements.
For a while this policy may succeed, and the reaction of the international community and media, by threatening to outcast the Palestinians, is definitely going according to the plans of the Israeli leadership. In other words, the Palestinian people will be confronted in the short term with hard times. But, and every Palestinian knows this, how much harder can thing get? Israel will stop the peace process? There was no peace process. Israel will renew targeted assassinations? They were never halted. Israel will destroy more houses and uproot more trees? It is almost impossible to do more damage than what was done during the last five years. Israel will continue arresting activists? This policy never stopped. The international community will cut economic support? It was already reduced to a minimum.
Israeli success, however, may not last for long. Because it was democratically elected in the presence of hundreds of international observers, the Hamas leadership will have a certain amount of international legitimacy. The fact that it is not responsible for the previous political commitments of the PLO (Oslo process) makes it better positioned to keep low the population's expectations. The possibility of a true national unity government is now very real and will this time be perceived by the international community as a sign of moderation. In the previous period it was considered as a turn of the Palestinian Authority to a more radical line.
Unlike the racist images spread by the local and the international media, Hamas is not an irrational fanatic organization. It has a wise political leadership who will follow the example of the successful Hizbollah party in Lebanon. Moreover, Hamas may well join the PLO and accept its authority.
It may not be too optimistic to argue that the Israeli-planned victory of Hamas may bring about what the Israelis have been trying to sabotage: Palestinian national unity to fight the occupation and reconstruct a society that has been systematically dismantled by the Israeli war of pacification. It may provide renewed hope and confidence.
“We will not negotiate with Hamas." "We will meet Hamas only in the battlefield” – we remember such slogans from the eighties, only during those years they were directed towards the PLO. We know that ultimately the Israeli government was forced to radically change its policy, for at least a few years. There are already signs that the US administration is backing off its policy of total war against Islamic organizations and is even starting to look for new allies among them. Indeed, the US has begun working with such organization in Iraq and conducted semi-public talks with the Muslim Brothers in Egypt. Sooner or later, the international community will force Israel to negotiate with Hamas, as it did fifteen years ago with the PLO.
As for the Palestinian society, the Hamas victory clearly represents a double challenge. First, Palestinians will have to struggle internally in order to maintain and expand upon the social and civic achievements which the Hamas may threaten. While such attacks on social and democratic rights will certainly not bother the international community they remain a major concern for the Palestinian people. The second challenge is to rebuild the secular national movement, most importantly Fatah, and to give back to the PLO its power and leadership.
If these two challenges are successfully met, the latest achievements of Ariel Sharon may be similar to those in Lebanon: a Pyrrhus victory.
Alternative Information Center
http://www.alternativenews.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=373&Itemid=1&lang=ISO-8859-1
Hamas's decisive victory in the unquestionably democratic elections held in the Palestinian occupied territories is the result of many factors. However, above all else, it is a great victory for Ariel Sharon’s policy.
For decades the destruction of the PLO has been a strategic objective for the former Israeli PM, and this was not his first attempt; Sharon's bloody venture in Lebanon in 1982 represented a major effort to achieve this goal. However, despite both Israel's military might and ruthless brutality-- exemplified by its role in the Sabra and Shatila massacres-- the Lebanon invasion failed.
Back in power in 2001, Ariel Sharon was determined to succeed where he failed two decades before. Under the cover of a permanent and preventive war against terrorism, Sharon launched a bloody offensive against the leaders, activists and institutions of the Palestinian National Movement. The goal was the destruction of the movement, knowing full well that, if successful, the strategy would bring about the emergence of an alternative leadership.
“Israel has no Palestinian partner” was not the reason for the broad military offensive and Israel's policy of destruction in the occupied territories - it was the objective: for the former Israeli PM, unilateralism was the only way to achieve the Zionist goals, and negotiations were perceived as an obstacle which could force unacceptable compromises. It was therefore necessary to destroy any potential partner for future negotiations.
After neutralizing Yasser Arafat, the Israeli government destabilized the “moderate” Abu Mazen and continued the ongoing destruction of both Palestinian infrastructure and territorial continuity. Chaos, and on many occasions, terrorist attacks were the expected results of this policy, which only proved that there was still no Palestinian partner.
Israel intentionally prevented the Palestinian leadership from delivering anything to their public on either economic or political levels. This facilitated, as expected and predicted, the collapse of the leadership's popular support and the strengthening of the Islamic opposition. Indeed, Hamas is not only perceived as more capable but also removed from the failures of the Palestinian Authority. The vote for Hamas was more of a protest vote than an ideological one; it was a way to say “you failed, we don’t trust you anymore and we want to try something new.”
Ariel Sharon wanted a victory for Hamas so that he could even more convincingly claim that “we don’t have a partner for peace.” The election results will allow Israel to continue its unilateral steps of colonization, including some tactical military redeployments and the dismantling of un-manageable isolated settlements.
For a while this policy may succeed, and the reaction of the international community and media, by threatening to outcast the Palestinians, is definitely going according to the plans of the Israeli leadership. In other words, the Palestinian people will be confronted in the short term with hard times. But, and every Palestinian knows this, how much harder can thing get? Israel will stop the peace process? There was no peace process. Israel will renew targeted assassinations? They were never halted. Israel will destroy more houses and uproot more trees? It is almost impossible to do more damage than what was done during the last five years. Israel will continue arresting activists? This policy never stopped. The international community will cut economic support? It was already reduced to a minimum.
Israeli success, however, may not last for long. Because it was democratically elected in the presence of hundreds of international observers, the Hamas leadership will have a certain amount of international legitimacy. The fact that it is not responsible for the previous political commitments of the PLO (Oslo process) makes it better positioned to keep low the population's expectations. The possibility of a true national unity government is now very real and will this time be perceived by the international community as a sign of moderation. In the previous period it was considered as a turn of the Palestinian Authority to a more radical line.
Unlike the racist images spread by the local and the international media, Hamas is not an irrational fanatic organization. It has a wise political leadership who will follow the example of the successful Hizbollah party in Lebanon. Moreover, Hamas may well join the PLO and accept its authority.
It may not be too optimistic to argue that the Israeli-planned victory of Hamas may bring about what the Israelis have been trying to sabotage: Palestinian national unity to fight the occupation and reconstruct a society that has been systematically dismantled by the Israeli war of pacification. It may provide renewed hope and confidence.
“We will not negotiate with Hamas." "We will meet Hamas only in the battlefield” – we remember such slogans from the eighties, only during those years they were directed towards the PLO. We know that ultimately the Israeli government was forced to radically change its policy, for at least a few years. There are already signs that the US administration is backing off its policy of total war against Islamic organizations and is even starting to look for new allies among them. Indeed, the US has begun working with such organization in Iraq and conducted semi-public talks with the Muslim Brothers in Egypt. Sooner or later, the international community will force Israel to negotiate with Hamas, as it did fifteen years ago with the PLO.
As for the Palestinian society, the Hamas victory clearly represents a double challenge. First, Palestinians will have to struggle internally in order to maintain and expand upon the social and civic achievements which the Hamas may threaten. While such attacks on social and democratic rights will certainly not bother the international community they remain a major concern for the Palestinian people. The second challenge is to rebuild the secular national movement, most importantly Fatah, and to give back to the PLO its power and leadership.
If these two challenges are successfully met, the latest achievements of Ariel Sharon may be similar to those in Lebanon: a Pyrrhus victory.
Thursday, January 26, 2006
pics victoire Hamas
(c) Anne Paq
Jeudi 26 Janvier 2006;
celebration a Ramallah apres la victoire du Hamas.
celebration in Ramallah after Hamas's victory.
ELECTIONS!!!!
Jeudi 26 Janvier
ce matin le bureau est en ebullition devant la victoire surprise du Hamas. les gens sont sous le choc et se demandent ce qui va se passer maintenant. les gens ont vote clairement plus contre le Fateh que pour Hamas. Hamas lui meme est je pense surpris d'une telle victoire.tremblement de terre dans le paysage politique palestinien...et personne ne sait quelles vont en etre les consequences...a suivre
this morning the office is all in shock in front of Hamas victory, and everybody wonders what is going to happen. many Palestinians voted more against Fateh than for Hamas. Hamas is itself surprised by the extent of the victory...here is a real earthquake in Palestinian politics and nobody knows what is going to be the outcome...to be followed.
ce matin le bureau est en ebullition devant la victoire surprise du Hamas. les gens sont sous le choc et se demandent ce qui va se passer maintenant. les gens ont vote clairement plus contre le Fateh que pour Hamas. Hamas lui meme est je pense surpris d'une telle victoire.tremblement de terre dans le paysage politique palestinien...et personne ne sait quelles vont en etre les consequences...a suivre
this morning the office is all in shock in front of Hamas victory, and everybody wonders what is going to happen. many Palestinians voted more against Fateh than for Hamas. Hamas is itself surprised by the extent of the victory...here is a real earthquake in Palestinian politics and nobody knows what is going to be the outcome...to be followed.
Tuesday, January 24, 2006
Elections
24 janvier 2006
demain les elections; le monde a les yeux tournés vers la Palestine. Depuis quelques jours c est vraiment animé a ramallah. Des posters partout; des rassemblements; des drapeaux. Le Hamas semble assez fort et le Fateh panique un peu. Et si hamas sortait vainqueur? C est peu probable mais c est sur que le hamas va faire une entrée en force. Les Palestiniens vont choisir et personne ne pourra interferer. Tel est le jeu democratique. Aujourd'hui j'ai discuté avec un peu tout le monde. Des personnes ne vont pas voter, a quoi ça sert de voter quand on n'a meme pas de pays? Certains de mes collegues aussi ont peur d'aller voter a jerusalem. Ils habitent en cisjordanie ùais ils ont la carte d'identité de jerusalem. Or si les autorités israeliennes prouvent qu'elles n'habitent plus a jerusalem; leurs papiers leur seront retirés. Beaucoup m'ont aussi dit: c est tous les memes. D'autres suivent les appels du jihad islamique de boycotter les elections. Beaucoup vont aller voter; parce que pour une fois on leur demande leur avis; pour montrer au monde qu'ils existent et qu'ils veulent continuer a y croire. Beaucoup veulent des reformes; car derriere c est une certaine vision d'un Etat qui se construit. Mais bien sur l'occupation est toujours presente. Combien demain ne vont pas aller voter, decourages par les checkpoints? Cette nuit encore l'armee israelienne est rentrée a ramallah, pour arreter quelqu'un, comme pour montrer; a la veille des elections qui contrôlent vraiment la situation...(j'ai vu cela ce matin sur CNN parce que comme je n'habite pas au centre je n'ai rien entendu!) a suivre.
24 January 2006.
Tomorrow is election day. The whole world is watching the Palestinians. Since a few days Ramallah is really animated. The posters are everywhere; many gatherings and flags. Everybody is talking about it. Hamas looks very string and Fateh seems to panic a little if. What if Hamas wins? Not likely but sure they will do very well. The Palestinians will choose and this is the game. Today I talked with many Palestinians. Some will not vote: what's the use when you do even have a country? Some of my colleagues will not vote. They live in the West Bank but have Jerusalem ID. if they vote in Jerusalem they are afraid that their ID will be confiscated. It is happening for some Palestinians when the authorities can prove that they do not live in Jerusalem. Others told me that all politicians are the same, they want to take the money and power and do not take about the people. Others are following the call from Jihad Islamic to boycott the elections. Others are willing to vote because for once they have the possibility to chose; because they know that some changes will follow and want to influence them, because they want to show to the world that they exist and they they still have hope. The military occupation does not of course diseappear. How many Palestinians will not vote tomorrow because they will be discouraged by the checkpoints? Again les night the Israeli army came to Ramallah to arrest somebody as to show who is still in control (I heard about it through CNN because I live far away from the city centre)...A suivre.
demain les elections; le monde a les yeux tournés vers la Palestine. Depuis quelques jours c est vraiment animé a ramallah. Des posters partout; des rassemblements; des drapeaux. Le Hamas semble assez fort et le Fateh panique un peu. Et si hamas sortait vainqueur? C est peu probable mais c est sur que le hamas va faire une entrée en force. Les Palestiniens vont choisir et personne ne pourra interferer. Tel est le jeu democratique. Aujourd'hui j'ai discuté avec un peu tout le monde. Des personnes ne vont pas voter, a quoi ça sert de voter quand on n'a meme pas de pays? Certains de mes collegues aussi ont peur d'aller voter a jerusalem. Ils habitent en cisjordanie ùais ils ont la carte d'identité de jerusalem. Or si les autorités israeliennes prouvent qu'elles n'habitent plus a jerusalem; leurs papiers leur seront retirés. Beaucoup m'ont aussi dit: c est tous les memes. D'autres suivent les appels du jihad islamique de boycotter les elections. Beaucoup vont aller voter; parce que pour une fois on leur demande leur avis; pour montrer au monde qu'ils existent et qu'ils veulent continuer a y croire. Beaucoup veulent des reformes; car derriere c est une certaine vision d'un Etat qui se construit. Mais bien sur l'occupation est toujours presente. Combien demain ne vont pas aller voter, decourages par les checkpoints? Cette nuit encore l'armee israelienne est rentrée a ramallah, pour arreter quelqu'un, comme pour montrer; a la veille des elections qui contrôlent vraiment la situation...(j'ai vu cela ce matin sur CNN parce que comme je n'habite pas au centre je n'ai rien entendu!) a suivre.
24 January 2006.
Tomorrow is election day. The whole world is watching the Palestinians. Since a few days Ramallah is really animated. The posters are everywhere; many gatherings and flags. Everybody is talking about it. Hamas looks very string and Fateh seems to panic a little if. What if Hamas wins? Not likely but sure they will do very well. The Palestinians will choose and this is the game. Today I talked with many Palestinians. Some will not vote: what's the use when you do even have a country? Some of my colleagues will not vote. They live in the West Bank but have Jerusalem ID. if they vote in Jerusalem they are afraid that their ID will be confiscated. It is happening for some Palestinians when the authorities can prove that they do not live in Jerusalem. Others told me that all politicians are the same, they want to take the money and power and do not take about the people. Others are following the call from Jihad Islamic to boycott the elections. Others are willing to vote because for once they have the possibility to chose; because they know that some changes will follow and want to influence them, because they want to show to the world that they exist and they they still have hope. The military occupation does not of course diseappear. How many Palestinians will not vote tomorrow because they will be discouraged by the checkpoints? Again les night the Israeli army came to Ramallah to arrest somebody as to show who is still in control (I heard about it through CNN because I live far away from the city centre)...A suivre.
Sunday, January 22, 2006
Sunday, January 15, 2006
Nouveaux terminaux/ New Terminals
15 Janvier 2006.
Dans les derniers mois de 2005, de nouveaux terminaux ont été ouverts pour remplacer les checkpoints à Bethlehem et Qalandia. D'autres terminaux ont été aussi mis en place auour de Qalqilia; Tulkarem et Jenine, et d'autres sont annoncés en Cisjordanie et à Gaza. Ces terminaux sont constitués de systemes impressionnants de halls immenses, couloirs, séries de tourniquets controlés electroniquement, machines à rayons X, detecteurs de metaux, caméras. Toute une panoplie impressionante de mesures de sécurité et de contrôle.
Je le savais bien avant de rentrer en Palestine que j'allais devoir passer par ces nouvelles procédures. J'ai pendant des mois suivis l'avancée des travaux du terminal à Qalandia, le checkpoint principal de Cisjordanie qui sépare Ramallah et le nord de la cisjordanie de Jérusalem. Personne ne savait alors vraiment quelles allaient être les nouvelles règles avec ce nouveau terminal. La première impression qui domine est celle de la perte de repères. Je ne savais tout simplement pas où aller avec ma grosse valise rouge. Impossible de passer les tourniquets devant lesquels attendaient de nombreux Palestiniens pour passer un par un au rythme d'une lumière verte ou rouge. Heureusement, j'ai pu suivre un autre étranger qui avait lui aussi des bagages. Il a fallu utiliser un interphone pour demander l'ouverture d'une porte prévue à cet effet. Une voix nous a répondu en Hébreu. La porte s'eest ouverte et nous avons été suivis par deux Palestiniens qui devaient en avoir marre d'attendre leur tour pour passer le tourniquet. Aussitôt une soldate, calfeutrée dans une cabine ou de multiples ecrans permettent de voir tout ce qui se passe dans le terminal, s'est mise à hurler, toujours en hébreu. Au passage je découvre l'intérieur du terminal. Difficile de faire un sens à tout cet ensemble. Il y a beaucoup de personnes dans plusieurs lignes qui attendent de passer par les séries de tourniquets afin de rentrer dans les pièces avec les machines à rayon-X pour vérification de tous les sacs. Souvent le terminal est encombré. Avec toutes ces procédures; cela bouchonne tout de suite. J'ai aussi passé cette semaine le terminal de Bethelem qui est encore plus impressionnant.
Au final; le passage par ces terminaux est une expérience glaçante et déshumanisante.Les différentes procèdures de sécurité provoquent le plus souvent des retards et sont humiliantes. Mais peut-etre ce qui est vraiment le plus choquant, c'est que ces terminaux apparaissent comme permanents. En fait, le tout ressemble fort au passage d'une frontière internatinale.C'est d'ailleurs ce que le gouvernement israélien a laissé entendre. Bien que la construction des terminaux ait été presentée comme un moyen de lutter contre les attentats suicide mais aussi pour améliorer les conditions de circulation pour les Palestiniens par rapport aux anciens checkpoints; ils apparaissent comme faisant partie intégrante de la même stratégie qu'emploie le gouvernement israélien avec la construction du Mur: augmenter le contrôle sur les territoires, imposer une politique de faits accomplis et unlilatéralement définir de nouvelles frontières.
Ironiquement les terminaux sont ornés de différents posters et pancartes comme « de l'espoir pour tous », « bienvenue », « que la paix soit avec vous »; et peut-etre le plus outrageant: « gardez le terminal propre ». Or, il n'y a rien de propre au sujet de ces terminaux, et surtout pas l'idée même de les mettre en place.
Voir les photos ci-dessous
ENGLISH
In the last months of 2005, new terminals opened in Bethelehem and Qalandia to replace the checkpoints. Others terminals are also in place around Qalqilia, Tulkarem and Jenine and more are announced for 2006, both in the West Bank and Gaza. These terminals are constituted by a complex and impressive system of huge-size halls, electronically controlled turnstiles, X-ray machines, corrridors, and passports and Ids checks.
I knew it before I came back to Palestine the new terminals have openened. I knew it because I have witnessed during months the construction of the terminal in Qalandia. Nobody really knew what would be the rules in there. Just it seemed so impressive from outside.
But still when I reached the terminal the first time it was a shock. I just did not know where to go with my big red suitcase that could not obviously pass the turnstiles in front of which many Palestinians were waiting to pass one by one according to a light green or red. Fortunately for me, another foreigner was in the same position so I just followed him. We have to call through a speaker a soldier so that he opened the door. All automatically, because in the new system the soldiers do not want to go outside their bullet proof booth from where they can see everything on multiple screens. The door opened, and a few Palestinians, tired of waiting to pass one by one through the turnstiles followed us. Immediately a female soldiers shouted through loudspeakers in Hebrew. Then I discovered one part of the terminal. It is hard to make a sense of this big hall constituted by corridors; different rooms, turnstiles, X Ray machines; ...etc. I thought that the last checkpoint was bad enough but this one is much bigger, and therefore scarier.
The way in (from Jerusalem to Ramallah is easier that the way out (from Ramallah to Jerusalem). If you cross it to go to Jerusalem; then you have to pass all your bags inside the Xray machines. Often the terminal is overcrowed as many Palestinians are crossing this checkpoint everyday. So you can be stuck inside for a long time. At the end , you went through four series of turnstiles. This week i went also through the terminal of Bethlehem which is even worse.
Overall; the passage through the terminals represents a chilly and deshumanizing experience. The checkings often provoke delays and humiliating treatments through the various security procedures.
But maybe what is most chocking is that these terminals are not something temporary but permanent. The whole security process looks like the ones used at international borders. Although the Israeli authorities present them out of so-called humanitarian concerns for Palestinians and as a way to prevent terrorists attacks; these terminals appear to be part of the same strategy that the Israeli government uses with the construction of the Wall –to increase the control on the territories, to create facts on the ground and to unilaterally impose new borders.
The terminals in Bethlehem and Qalandia are ironically completed with signs and posters that say « the hope for us all », “welcome” , “enjoy your stay.” , and even more outrageous: “please keep the terminal clean,”. Well I can tell you, there is nothing clean about these terminals;, especially not the idea itself.
See pics below
Dans les derniers mois de 2005, de nouveaux terminaux ont été ouverts pour remplacer les checkpoints à Bethlehem et Qalandia. D'autres terminaux ont été aussi mis en place auour de Qalqilia; Tulkarem et Jenine, et d'autres sont annoncés en Cisjordanie et à Gaza. Ces terminaux sont constitués de systemes impressionnants de halls immenses, couloirs, séries de tourniquets controlés electroniquement, machines à rayons X, detecteurs de metaux, caméras. Toute une panoplie impressionante de mesures de sécurité et de contrôle.
Je le savais bien avant de rentrer en Palestine que j'allais devoir passer par ces nouvelles procédures. J'ai pendant des mois suivis l'avancée des travaux du terminal à Qalandia, le checkpoint principal de Cisjordanie qui sépare Ramallah et le nord de la cisjordanie de Jérusalem. Personne ne savait alors vraiment quelles allaient être les nouvelles règles avec ce nouveau terminal. La première impression qui domine est celle de la perte de repères. Je ne savais tout simplement pas où aller avec ma grosse valise rouge. Impossible de passer les tourniquets devant lesquels attendaient de nombreux Palestiniens pour passer un par un au rythme d'une lumière verte ou rouge. Heureusement, j'ai pu suivre un autre étranger qui avait lui aussi des bagages. Il a fallu utiliser un interphone pour demander l'ouverture d'une porte prévue à cet effet. Une voix nous a répondu en Hébreu. La porte s'eest ouverte et nous avons été suivis par deux Palestiniens qui devaient en avoir marre d'attendre leur tour pour passer le tourniquet. Aussitôt une soldate, calfeutrée dans une cabine ou de multiples ecrans permettent de voir tout ce qui se passe dans le terminal, s'est mise à hurler, toujours en hébreu. Au passage je découvre l'intérieur du terminal. Difficile de faire un sens à tout cet ensemble. Il y a beaucoup de personnes dans plusieurs lignes qui attendent de passer par les séries de tourniquets afin de rentrer dans les pièces avec les machines à rayon-X pour vérification de tous les sacs. Souvent le terminal est encombré. Avec toutes ces procédures; cela bouchonne tout de suite. J'ai aussi passé cette semaine le terminal de Bethelem qui est encore plus impressionnant.
Au final; le passage par ces terminaux est une expérience glaçante et déshumanisante.Les différentes procèdures de sécurité provoquent le plus souvent des retards et sont humiliantes. Mais peut-etre ce qui est vraiment le plus choquant, c'est que ces terminaux apparaissent comme permanents. En fait, le tout ressemble fort au passage d'une frontière internatinale.C'est d'ailleurs ce que le gouvernement israélien a laissé entendre. Bien que la construction des terminaux ait été presentée comme un moyen de lutter contre les attentats suicide mais aussi pour améliorer les conditions de circulation pour les Palestiniens par rapport aux anciens checkpoints; ils apparaissent comme faisant partie intégrante de la même stratégie qu'emploie le gouvernement israélien avec la construction du Mur: augmenter le contrôle sur les territoires, imposer une politique de faits accomplis et unlilatéralement définir de nouvelles frontières.
Ironiquement les terminaux sont ornés de différents posters et pancartes comme « de l'espoir pour tous », « bienvenue », « que la paix soit avec vous »; et peut-etre le plus outrageant: « gardez le terminal propre ». Or, il n'y a rien de propre au sujet de ces terminaux, et surtout pas l'idée même de les mettre en place.
Voir les photos ci-dessous
ENGLISH
In the last months of 2005, new terminals opened in Bethelehem and Qalandia to replace the checkpoints. Others terminals are also in place around Qalqilia, Tulkarem and Jenine and more are announced for 2006, both in the West Bank and Gaza. These terminals are constituted by a complex and impressive system of huge-size halls, electronically controlled turnstiles, X-ray machines, corrridors, and passports and Ids checks.
I knew it before I came back to Palestine the new terminals have openened. I knew it because I have witnessed during months the construction of the terminal in Qalandia. Nobody really knew what would be the rules in there. Just it seemed so impressive from outside.
But still when I reached the terminal the first time it was a shock. I just did not know where to go with my big red suitcase that could not obviously pass the turnstiles in front of which many Palestinians were waiting to pass one by one according to a light green or red. Fortunately for me, another foreigner was in the same position so I just followed him. We have to call through a speaker a soldier so that he opened the door. All automatically, because in the new system the soldiers do not want to go outside their bullet proof booth from where they can see everything on multiple screens. The door opened, and a few Palestinians, tired of waiting to pass one by one through the turnstiles followed us. Immediately a female soldiers shouted through loudspeakers in Hebrew. Then I discovered one part of the terminal. It is hard to make a sense of this big hall constituted by corridors; different rooms, turnstiles, X Ray machines; ...etc. I thought that the last checkpoint was bad enough but this one is much bigger, and therefore scarier.
The way in (from Jerusalem to Ramallah is easier that the way out (from Ramallah to Jerusalem). If you cross it to go to Jerusalem; then you have to pass all your bags inside the Xray machines. Often the terminal is overcrowed as many Palestinians are crossing this checkpoint everyday. So you can be stuck inside for a long time. At the end , you went through four series of turnstiles. This week i went also through the terminal of Bethlehem which is even worse.
Overall; the passage through the terminals represents a chilly and deshumanizing experience. The checkings often provoke delays and humiliating treatments through the various security procedures.
But maybe what is most chocking is that these terminals are not something temporary but permanent. The whole security process looks like the ones used at international borders. Although the Israeli authorities present them out of so-called humanitarian concerns for Palestinians and as a way to prevent terrorists attacks; these terminals appear to be part of the same strategy that the Israeli government uses with the construction of the Wall –to increase the control on the territories, to create facts on the ground and to unilaterally impose new borders.
The terminals in Bethlehem and Qalandia are ironically completed with signs and posters that say « the hope for us all », “welcome” , “enjoy your stay.” , and even more outrageous: “please keep the terminal clean,”. Well I can tell you, there is nothing clean about these terminals;, especially not the idea itself.
See pics below
Saturday, January 14, 2006
photos du terminal a bethlehem/ pics of the terminal in Bethlehem
© Anne Paq/ tourbillonphoto.com
Photos du nouveau ‘terminal” a Bethlehem qui remplace le checkpoint. Photos du dehors, le terminal est vraiment impressionnant. A cote de la tour militaire on voit une affiche du Ministere Israelien du Tourisme: Que la Paix soit avec vous!
Pics of the new “terminal” in Bethlehem which replaces the checkpoint. Pics from outside, the terminal is really massive. Next to the tower, a sign from the Israeli Ministry of tourism: May Peace be with you!!!
photos du terminal a bethlehem/ pics of the terminal in Bethlehem
© Anne Paq/ tourbillonphoto.com
Photos du nouveau ‘terminal” a Bethlehem qui remplace le checkpoint.
Pics of the new “terminal” in Bethlehem which replaces the checkpoint.
Les nouveaux terminaux/ the new terminals
© Anne Paq/ tourbillonphoto.com
Janvier 2005,
Photos du nouveau ‘terminal” a Qalandia qui remplace le checkpoint. Ironiquement le panneau avec la fleur signifie de l espoir pour tous!
Pics of the new “terminal” in Qalandia which replaced the checkpoint. See the irony in the poster: the hope for us all!
Monday, January 09, 2006
article on Sharon
The blind love of the people
By Gideon Levy
A concept is born - the "Sharon legacy." Like its predecessor, the "Rabin legacy," it too will present a persona entirely different from the real person. Therefore, a moment before Prime Minister Ariel Sharon becomes the "Sharon legacy," the hero of peace and the disengagement who, had he only continued in his role a little longer, would have brought peace to Israel - we would do well to sketch his non-mythical persona, without mincing words.
Perhaps the most influential leader since David Ben-Gurion, Sharon was the cause of many of the political and security problems now facing Israel. This must be said honestly, even now. The new Sharon, who has earned the respect of a large number of Israelis and of most of the countries in the world, tried in his twilight years only to repair some of the historical mistakes into which he led the country during his life. The settlement project, the strengthening of Hamas and the emergence of Hezbollah as a threatening and significant factor in Lebanon - all owe a great debt to Sharon's policies.
The belated enthusiasm for Sharon is therefore enthusiasm for a clever leader, who tried toward the end of his life to extricate himself somehow from situations that a wise leader would never have gotten into in the first place. He is deserving of respect for this belated change, for his recognition of the limitations of power, for his awareness of the harmfulness of the settlement project and the criminality of the occupation, but it is impossible to ignore his critical role in creating all of these. Because he remained very faithful to his basic worldview, which maintains that there is no chance of peace with the Arabs, we cannot also present him as a "hero of peace" now - just as it was an exaggeration to turn the late prime minister Yitzhak Rabin into such a hero after his assassination.
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The old Sharon was the one who led the country into the most superfluous and harmful of Israel's wars, the Lebanon War, and would not even raise his hand in favor of the peace agreement with Jordan - the easiest and most convenient of such agreements, from Israel's point of view. The new Sharon blatantly ignored the Palestinians. In critical moves such as the disengagement or the construction of the separation fence, he ignored their existence, their needs and their desires. He did not attempt to achieve peace with them, because he did not for a moment believe that it was possible.
The Sharon legacy will recall mainly the disengagement, not Operation Defensive Shield in Jenin in 2002, nor the retaliation raid in Qibya in 1953, nor the other violent and superfluous operations - just as the Rabin legacy remembers mainly the Oslo Accord. Perhaps that is a lesson for our future leaders: Eternal glory is achieved via peace agreements, not via glorious battlefields.
But even those who believe that Sharon intended to evacuate more settlements cannot ignore the fact that this was a matter of removing some of the rotten fruits of his policy. The historian will remember all of Sharon's insane maps, the "settlement blocs," the "legal" and "illegal" outposts, for which he may have been more responsible than any other Israeli, all of which were designed to prevent any possibility of a just agreement with the Palestinians.
But if on the subject of the settlements Sharon tried to repair the damage he caused - that is not the case in other areas. Israel's two bitterest enemies at present, Hamas and Hezbollah, achieved their positions of strength to no small degree thanks to him. During that same accursed war, the Lebanon War, which is attributed to him, Sharon brought about the removal of the Palestinians from South Lebanon, and their replacement by Hezbollah.
He can take credit for an amazingly similar outcome years later vis-a-vis the Palestinian Authority, when he preferred the religious fundamentalists to the moderate secular camp. The new Sharon, who is beloved and esteemed, is responsible for the collapse of the PA as the central entity in the occupied territories, and to its replacement - whether by Hamas, which now threatens to assume control of the government, or by the anarchy that threatens to destroy everything.
During all his years as prime minister, Sharon refrained from granting any support to the leaders of the PA, so that they could establish their rule under the Israeli occupation. Even when the late PA chair Yasser Arafat died, Sharon did not allow his moderate successor to present any significant achievement to his people: neither the release of prisoners, nor a significant increase in freedom of movement, nor taking the Palestinian people into consideration when planning the route of the fence, nor even participation in the beginning of negotiations. Instead, Sharon's Israel did everything in its power to bring about the destruction of the PA and to humiliate it in the eyes of its people. A violent Israeli military effort, which reached its peak in Operation Defensive Shield, caused the collapse of all the PA mechanisms: Police stations that were meant to stabilize the government and to fight terror were bombed mercilessly, and all the mechanisms of the PA and its government offices were destroyed one after another. In the political and social vacuum that resulted, Hamas could only flourish.
The last chapter of his political life saw the eruption of the Iranian threat, perhaps the most dangerous of all. How ironic it is that this threat, which emphasizes the irrelevance of territory in maintaining the country's security, appeared in the waning days of the man who all his life believed that territory is the be-all and end-all.
A moment before Sharon enters the national pantheon, we would do well to remember that at best, we are losing a courageous fighter and a clever statesman rather than a wise one, who caused a great deal of damage and is now leaving the stage enveloped by the blind love of his people.
By Gideon Levy
A concept is born - the "Sharon legacy." Like its predecessor, the "Rabin legacy," it too will present a persona entirely different from the real person. Therefore, a moment before Prime Minister Ariel Sharon becomes the "Sharon legacy," the hero of peace and the disengagement who, had he only continued in his role a little longer, would have brought peace to Israel - we would do well to sketch his non-mythical persona, without mincing words.
Perhaps the most influential leader since David Ben-Gurion, Sharon was the cause of many of the political and security problems now facing Israel. This must be said honestly, even now. The new Sharon, who has earned the respect of a large number of Israelis and of most of the countries in the world, tried in his twilight years only to repair some of the historical mistakes into which he led the country during his life. The settlement project, the strengthening of Hamas and the emergence of Hezbollah as a threatening and significant factor in Lebanon - all owe a great debt to Sharon's policies.
The belated enthusiasm for Sharon is therefore enthusiasm for a clever leader, who tried toward the end of his life to extricate himself somehow from situations that a wise leader would never have gotten into in the first place. He is deserving of respect for this belated change, for his recognition of the limitations of power, for his awareness of the harmfulness of the settlement project and the criminality of the occupation, but it is impossible to ignore his critical role in creating all of these. Because he remained very faithful to his basic worldview, which maintains that there is no chance of peace with the Arabs, we cannot also present him as a "hero of peace" now - just as it was an exaggeration to turn the late prime minister Yitzhak Rabin into such a hero after his assassination.
Advertisement
The old Sharon was the one who led the country into the most superfluous and harmful of Israel's wars, the Lebanon War, and would not even raise his hand in favor of the peace agreement with Jordan - the easiest and most convenient of such agreements, from Israel's point of view. The new Sharon blatantly ignored the Palestinians. In critical moves such as the disengagement or the construction of the separation fence, he ignored their existence, their needs and their desires. He did not attempt to achieve peace with them, because he did not for a moment believe that it was possible.
The Sharon legacy will recall mainly the disengagement, not Operation Defensive Shield in Jenin in 2002, nor the retaliation raid in Qibya in 1953, nor the other violent and superfluous operations - just as the Rabin legacy remembers mainly the Oslo Accord. Perhaps that is a lesson for our future leaders: Eternal glory is achieved via peace agreements, not via glorious battlefields.
But even those who believe that Sharon intended to evacuate more settlements cannot ignore the fact that this was a matter of removing some of the rotten fruits of his policy. The historian will remember all of Sharon's insane maps, the "settlement blocs," the "legal" and "illegal" outposts, for which he may have been more responsible than any other Israeli, all of which were designed to prevent any possibility of a just agreement with the Palestinians.
But if on the subject of the settlements Sharon tried to repair the damage he caused - that is not the case in other areas. Israel's two bitterest enemies at present, Hamas and Hezbollah, achieved their positions of strength to no small degree thanks to him. During that same accursed war, the Lebanon War, which is attributed to him, Sharon brought about the removal of the Palestinians from South Lebanon, and their replacement by Hezbollah.
He can take credit for an amazingly similar outcome years later vis-a-vis the Palestinian Authority, when he preferred the religious fundamentalists to the moderate secular camp. The new Sharon, who is beloved and esteemed, is responsible for the collapse of the PA as the central entity in the occupied territories, and to its replacement - whether by Hamas, which now threatens to assume control of the government, or by the anarchy that threatens to destroy everything.
During all his years as prime minister, Sharon refrained from granting any support to the leaders of the PA, so that they could establish their rule under the Israeli occupation. Even when the late PA chair Yasser Arafat died, Sharon did not allow his moderate successor to present any significant achievement to his people: neither the release of prisoners, nor a significant increase in freedom of movement, nor taking the Palestinian people into consideration when planning the route of the fence, nor even participation in the beginning of negotiations. Instead, Sharon's Israel did everything in its power to bring about the destruction of the PA and to humiliate it in the eyes of its people. A violent Israeli military effort, which reached its peak in Operation Defensive Shield, caused the collapse of all the PA mechanisms: Police stations that were meant to stabilize the government and to fight terror were bombed mercilessly, and all the mechanisms of the PA and its government offices were destroyed one after another. In the political and social vacuum that resulted, Hamas could only flourish.
The last chapter of his political life saw the eruption of the Iranian threat, perhaps the most dangerous of all. How ironic it is that this threat, which emphasizes the irrelevance of territory in maintaining the country's security, appeared in the waning days of the man who all his life believed that territory is the be-all and end-all.
A moment before Sharon enters the national pantheon, we would do well to remember that at best, we are losing a courageous fighter and a clever statesman rather than a wise one, who caused a great deal of damage and is now leaving the stage enveloped by the blind love of his people.
Wednesday, January 04, 2006
de retour/ I am back
Mercredi 4 janvier 2006
Me voila de retour apres trois semaines d'absence. un petit tour en Europe, c 'est important quelquefois les coupures avec ce qui se passe ici.
une apprehension quand meme avant de revenir, angoisse de retrouver une situation qui empire ou tout simplement angoisse de repasser les douanes? pourtant tout s'est bien passé, si ce n'est que cela m'a pris des heures pour rejoindre ramallah. d'abord j'ai attendu a l'aeroport que le jour se leve; de 3h à 7 heures du matin. ensuite il a fallu attendre que le taxi collectif (sheiroot) se remplisse. puis il est passé dans tout jerusalem pour poser les passer. enfin encore un autre bus collectif puis le passage du checkpoiny de qalandia, pour rentrer a ramallah.
une nouvelle fois des changements; le nouveau terminal a été mis en place.
l'entrée est donc tres difficile, il faut passer plusieurs tourniquets. avec ma grosse valise j'ai du demander d'ouvrir une porte speciale. en entrant j'ai été suivie par un ou deux palestiniens pressés, ce qui a declenché les hurlements par haut parleursde la soldate calfeutrée derriere une vitre. ... aux heures de grand passage cela doit vraiment ralentir le passage.
je vais essayer bien sur de vous prendre des photos bientot.
Ramallah semble bien occupé par les elections. hier soir il y avait plein de gens qui posaient des affiches qui aujourd'hui sont en train toutes de tomber a cause d'une pluie battante.
j'ai repris le travail aujourd"'hui mais demain je suis deja en vacances! en effet cela va etre la fete pour les mulsumans.
voila, de retour sur le terrain, je vais reprendre mes petites chroniques.
Wed, 4 January 2006.
In am back after a few weeks back home. it was nice to have a break. I became anxious before I go back to Israel, not sure if it was to go back to a situation that is getting worse and worse or just to go through the airpoirt- asking myself if i would go through without too much hassle. in fact it was no problem. just it took me hours to reach Ramallah. first i waited at the airport for daylight from 3 to 7 and then i wait that the sherout filled up. Finally we left but in Jerusalem we went all around. Then another bus to go to Qalandia checkpoint where I discovered the new terminal. what a chilly place. you have to go through two sets of turnweels. before, you were able to enter easily now it is much slower and I guess it must be awful when crowded.
I had to ask to open a special door for me because of my huge suitcase. A few Palestinians followed me, which made the soldier shout through speakers.
i will try to send you a few pictures soon. otherwise Ramallah seems pretty busy with the elections. yesterday night i saw groups of people everywhere that were putting up posters that today went away with the rain. it will be interesting to follow for sure.
so back to Palestine, and i will try to continue my chronicles. back to work also but i will have some holidays tomorrow for the Muslim celebration.
i keep you updated.
Me voila de retour apres trois semaines d'absence. un petit tour en Europe, c 'est important quelquefois les coupures avec ce qui se passe ici.
une apprehension quand meme avant de revenir, angoisse de retrouver une situation qui empire ou tout simplement angoisse de repasser les douanes? pourtant tout s'est bien passé, si ce n'est que cela m'a pris des heures pour rejoindre ramallah. d'abord j'ai attendu a l'aeroport que le jour se leve; de 3h à 7 heures du matin. ensuite il a fallu attendre que le taxi collectif (sheiroot) se remplisse. puis il est passé dans tout jerusalem pour poser les passer. enfin encore un autre bus collectif puis le passage du checkpoiny de qalandia, pour rentrer a ramallah.
une nouvelle fois des changements; le nouveau terminal a été mis en place.
l'entrée est donc tres difficile, il faut passer plusieurs tourniquets. avec ma grosse valise j'ai du demander d'ouvrir une porte speciale. en entrant j'ai été suivie par un ou deux palestiniens pressés, ce qui a declenché les hurlements par haut parleursde la soldate calfeutrée derriere une vitre. ... aux heures de grand passage cela doit vraiment ralentir le passage.
je vais essayer bien sur de vous prendre des photos bientot.
Ramallah semble bien occupé par les elections. hier soir il y avait plein de gens qui posaient des affiches qui aujourd'hui sont en train toutes de tomber a cause d'une pluie battante.
j'ai repris le travail aujourd"'hui mais demain je suis deja en vacances! en effet cela va etre la fete pour les mulsumans.
voila, de retour sur le terrain, je vais reprendre mes petites chroniques.
Wed, 4 January 2006.
In am back after a few weeks back home. it was nice to have a break. I became anxious before I go back to Israel, not sure if it was to go back to a situation that is getting worse and worse or just to go through the airpoirt- asking myself if i would go through without too much hassle. in fact it was no problem. just it took me hours to reach Ramallah. first i waited at the airport for daylight from 3 to 7 and then i wait that the sherout filled up. Finally we left but in Jerusalem we went all around. Then another bus to go to Qalandia checkpoint where I discovered the new terminal. what a chilly place. you have to go through two sets of turnweels. before, you were able to enter easily now it is much slower and I guess it must be awful when crowded.
I had to ask to open a special door for me because of my huge suitcase. A few Palestinians followed me, which made the soldier shout through speakers.
i will try to send you a few pictures soon. otherwise Ramallah seems pretty busy with the elections. yesterday night i saw groups of people everywhere that were putting up posters that today went away with the rain. it will be interesting to follow for sure.
so back to Palestine, and i will try to continue my chronicles. back to work also but i will have some holidays tomorrow for the Muslim celebration.
i keep you updated.
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