Une nouvelle colonie a ete planifiee en plein coeur du quartier arabe de la vieille ville de Jerusalem!/
A new settlement has been planned at the heart of the Arab quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem!
Tuesday, September 27, 2005
Vieille ville de Jerusalem/ Old City of Jerusalem
Une nouvelle colonie a ete planifiee en plein coeur du quartier arabe de la vieille ville de Jerusalem!/
A new settlement has been planned at the heart of the Arab quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem!
Jerusalem
Dimanche 25 septembre. je retourne a Jerusalem, a la frontiere (sans cesse modifiee illegalement et unilateralement par le gouvernement israelien) avec Abu Dis. a cet endroit les habitants de Abu Dis passent pour aller a jerusalem. les soldats surveillent le passage d'une maniere aleatoire. des gens qui avaient la permission de rentrer a jerusalem ont ete refoules ce jour la pour raisons de securite.
le Mur separe ici aussi familles et amis.
la face de Jerusalem est en train d'etre changee sans que personne ne dise rien.
ENGLISH.
Sunday 45 September, i go back to Jerusalem, to its boundaries (constantly illegally and unilaterally modified by the israeli government) with Abu Dis. at this location, the inhabitants of Abu Dis can sneak into Jerusalem. the Israeli soldoers randomly check them. That day Palestininans that had permits to go to Jerusalem could not go through for "security reasons". Walls here also separates families and friends.
Without anybody saying anything, the face of Jerusalem is being changed everyday.
Saturday, September 24, 2005
Photos d'une demonstration du Hamas et du festival de films sur les femmes/ Pics of a Hamas demonstration and of the first women film festival
Texte dans le post precedent/See Text in previous Post
Differentes Facettes de Palestine/ Different faces of Palestine
Jeudi 22 Septembre.
Etrange que cette journee ou j ai assiste le matin a une demonstration de foce du Hamas a Ramallah avec des armes. Le soir c etait l'ouverture du premier festival de films sur les femmes. Le public n'etait pas vraiment le meme, dans ces soirees culturelles de ramallah on retrouve toujours les memes personnes, des consulats des Organisations, des gens plutot aisees. a la demonstration du hamas, on retrouve les gens de la rue.la societe palestinienne n'est pas une et il me semble que les lignes de fractures se creusent.
Thursday 22 September.
What a strange day. in the morning i was watching a big demonstration of Hamas in Ramallah, with a display of arms and strength. At night it was the opening of the first women film festival in the new Ramallah cultural centre. the public was quite different. in tose cultural events in Ramallah you always see the same people, from teh consulates and NGOs, the quite wealthy upper class. at the hamas demonstration there are really the people from the street. The Palestinian society is not one but the gaps seem widening.
Etrange que cette journee ou j ai assiste le matin a une demonstration de foce du Hamas a Ramallah avec des armes. Le soir c etait l'ouverture du premier festival de films sur les femmes. Le public n'etait pas vraiment le meme, dans ces soirees culturelles de ramallah on retrouve toujours les memes personnes, des consulats des Organisations, des gens plutot aisees. a la demonstration du hamas, on retrouve les gens de la rue.la societe palestinienne n'est pas une et il me semble que les lignes de fractures se creusent.
Thursday 22 September.
What a strange day. in the morning i was watching a big demonstration of Hamas in Ramallah, with a display of arms and strength. At night it was the opening of the first women film festival in the new Ramallah cultural centre. the public was quite different. in tose cultural events in Ramallah you always see the same people, from teh consulates and NGOs, the quite wealthy upper class. at the hamas demonstration there are really the people from the street. The Palestinian society is not one but the gaps seem widening.
Sunday, September 18, 2005
Photos de Bi'lin/Pics from Bi'lin
enfant se protegeant des gaz lacrimogenes\Child protects himself from tear gas.
Les Gandhis Palestiniens de Bi'lin continuent leur resistance non-violente/ The Palestinian gandhis continue to resist in Bi'lin
Samedi 17 Septembre…les Gandhis Palestiniens de Bi'lin continue a resister
Alors que le mois dernier les medias n'ont parlé que du désengagement de la bande de Gaza, la construction du Mur et l'expansion des colonies continue en Cisjordanie.
Depuis des mois un petit village de Cisjordanie, Bi’lin, situé à l’Ouest de Ramallah, organise chaque vendredi des manifestations non-violentes contre la construction du Mur autour de leur village. La première fois que j’ai entendu de ce village, c’est par l’intermédiaire d’une famille palestinienne qui m’ont invitée chez eux à Ramallah mais qui sont originaires de Bi’lin. Le patriarche de la famille était riche par toutes les terres qu’il possédait. Il a tout perdu aujourd’hui et il ne lui reste plus que sa maison. Ses terres ont disparu derrière le site de la construction du Mur, comme la moitié des terres du village.
Bi’lin est un village traditionnel entouré de belles montagnes mais aussi de colonies. Nous sommes à une dizaine de kilometres de la Ligne verte, le Mur rentre donc ici profondément dans les terres palestiniennes. Avec le Mur il est clair qu'ici il s'agit de prendre plus de territoires afin de faciliter l'expansion de la nouvelle colonie appelée Nahlat Heftziba.
Les villageois ont décidé de se mobiliser et de ne pas accepter cette injustice.
Ils ont crée un comité populaire contre le Mur. Un des membres fondateurs de ce comité, Mohammed Khatib a déclaré:
"Bilin est en train d'etre étranglé par le Mur...Apres que les courts israéliennes aient refusé notre appel pour empecher la construction du Mur, nous avons commence a manifester pacifiquement avec des Israeliens et des gens du monde entier contre la confiscation de nos terres. Nous avons choisi de resister d'une maniere non violentee car nous sommes des personnes paisibles qui sommes victimes de l'occupation. Nous avons ouvert nos maisons aux Israeliens qui nous ont rejoints. Ils sont devenus nos partenaires dans la lutte. Ensemble nous envoyons le message fort que nous pouvons coexister dans la paix et la securite. Nous souhaitons la bienvenue a tous ceux qui viennent en invites et pour travailler pour la paix pour els deux peuples mais nous resisterons tous ceux qui viennent en occupants." Leur approche non-violente les a fait surnommes les Gandhis Palestiniens.
Depuis des mois, chaque vendredi les habitants de Bi'lin utilisent leur droit de manifester. Ils se rendent sur le site de la construction du Mur faire face aux soldats. Ils ont fait preuve à chaque fois de créativité en usant de différents symboles et formes de protestation. Il y a eu une manifestation composée uniquement de femmes puis d’enfants. A d’autres occasions les manifestants se sont enchaînés aux oliviers, ou encore se sont menottés eux-mêmes afin de bien montrer qu’il s’agit avant tout de manifestations non-violentes. Ils ont aussi prié et chanté devant les soldats. Au fur et à mesure les médias ont de plus en plus couvert ces manifestations auxquelles participent désormais des Israéliens et des internationaux. Chaque vendredi on pense qu’il s’agit d’un scénario bien huilé et pourtant on ne sait jamais ce qui peut arriver. Tout peut basculer très vite. En effet en face, l’armée israélienne n’hésite pas à employer la force, d’une manière le plus souvent violente et excessive. On est loin des images du désengagement de Gaza de soldats compatissants ou compréhensifs. Il faut le savoir, quand on manifeste en Palestine on peut être arrêté mais aussi blessé ou tué. En Juillet 2005, un jeune de 16 ans de Bi'lin, Muheeb Assi, a ete tue par l'armee israelienne. Combien il y a eu de personnes blessées et arrêtées depuis le debut des manifestations à Bi’lin? A la première manifestation à laquelle j’ai assisté, il y avait eu une trentaine de blessés, notamment par des balles en caoutchouc. Cette semaine je suis donc retournée assister à la manifestation avec je dois dire une petite boule dans le ventre.
La journée a commencé par un concert au piano par un Israélien survivant de l’holocauste, tandis qu’un chanteur américain folk a sorti sa guitare et a chanté devant les soldats. Les manifestants ont fait face aux soldats puis ont essayé de contourner le barrage. Deux internationaux ont tenté de se rendre sur le site de la construction du Mur. Ils ont été rattrapé par les soldats, et arrêté d’une manière très violente, traînés par terre et avaient les poignets lacérés par les liens trop serrés. Les soldats se sont ensuite rapprochés des jeunes de Bi'lin qui commençaient à jeter des pierres. Les soldats israéliens ont répondu en utilisant des gaz lacrymogènes et en tirant des balles en caoutchouc. A ce stade je suis partie mais alors que je m’éloignais en taxi collectif du village, un des enfants a soudainement fait signe de fermer la fenêtre en criant « gaz gaz ! ». En effet le gaz a envahi le véhicule et nous nous sommes tous mis à tousser et pleurer. Nous étions pourtant à deux ou trois kilomètres du site de la manifestation. Le gaz pénètre ainsi dans le village, dans les maisons et je dois dire que le respirer ne serait-ce que quelques secondes est une expérience horrible, alors qu’en est-il pour les personnes âgées, les enfants et bébés, les personnes malades? Au total, huit personnes ont été blessées, par balles en caoutchouc ou inhalation de gaz lacrymogènes et six ont été arrêtées.
L’armée israélienne ne se contente pas de réprimer durement de telles manifestations, elle essaye aussi de les empêcher. La semaine dernière l’armée avait imposé un couvre-feu le jour de la manifestation à Bi’lin. Les civils Israéliens qui venaient participer ont trouvé des barrages leur interdisant l’accès au village. Les soldats sont aussi rentrés à Bi’lin pour exiger des Israéliens qui y séjournent en solidarité de partir. Quand ils ont refusé ils ont été arrêtés. Mais les villageois ont bravé le couvre-feu et sont sortis en cognant sur des casseroles. Ils ont été finalement rejoints par 300 Israéliens qui ont réussi à rejoindre Bi’lin en passant par une colonie et en marchant des kilomètres. Cette semaine des activistes israéliens ont été également empêchés d’atteindre le village.
La violence dont fait preuve l’armée commence à être questionnée. Comme souvent ce sont des images choquantes d’activistes battus par les soldats qui ont fait réagir l’opinion. Trois juges israéliens ont ainsi récemment fustigé l'armée pour un usage excessif et non justifié de la force contre les manifestants. Je ne parle cependant que de l’opinion israélienne car de tels actes, alors que le conflit est tellement médiatisé, ne trouve curieusement pas d’écho dans les médias internationaux. Pourquoi ces actes de résistance non-violente ne sont pas médiatisés tandis que les confrontations entre soldats israéliens et colons à gaza ont donné lieu à un grand tapage médiatique ? La résistance non-violente existe en Palestine, elle commence aussi par le simple fait pour les Palestiniens de ne pas partir. Bi’lin n’est par ailleurs pas le premier village à organiser de telles manifestations qui se sont multipliées depuis deux ans. Avant il y a eu Marda, Budros, Jayyus, Biddu ou Beit Surik. Mais qui en a entendu parler ?
Si l’armée réprime si durement de telles manifestations, c’est qu’elle sait le potentiel que pourrait représenter une multiplication de telles évènements en Palestine, notamment aux yeux de l’opinion internationale. Nous en sommes encore loin. A la manifestation de vendredi, il n’y avait que 50 manifestants, et presque autant de soldats et photographes. Les internationaux et activistes Israéliens étaient plus nombreux que les habitants du village. Beaucoup de Palestiniens sont las de ces manifestations qui ne semblent rien changer, alors à quoi bon prendre le risque de se faire tuer ? Le caractère non-violent n’a aussi duré qu’un temps et finalement une fois que la manifestation s’est dispersée, les jeunes du village ont commencer à lancer des pierres car c’est ainsi qu’ils expriment leur colère et frustration.
Pourtant semaine après semaine, la manifestation a le mérite d’exister et représente en tant que telle un symbole et une lueur d’espoir : une autre manière de résister, qui si elle se développe et si elle n’est pas asphyxiée par les gaz lacrymogènes ou tuée par les balles, pourrait représenter une force motrice dans le conflit et changer les perceptions sur les protagonistes.
Saturday 17 September .
While all the media attention has been devoted to the desengagement of the Gaza Strip in the last few months, the construction of the Wall and the expansion of settlements continues in the West Bank.
On Friday, I decided to go back to Bi’lin. Since months, the inhabitants of Bi’lin together with Israeli peace activists and internationals organize every Friday a demonstration against the construction of the Wall around the village. Bi’lin is a beautiful village surrounded by mountains but also settlements, located West of Ramallah. The first time I heard about it was through a Palestinian family I stayed with in Ramallah. They are originated from this village and told me how the Patriarch of the family has lost all his lands because of the Wall. Once considered as quite wealthy, he is left with nothing but his house. The construction of the Wall, which stands in Bi’lin far from the Green Line, has indeed resulted in the loss of more than half of the village’s land. Most of the income of the 1,600 inhabitants from Bi'lin depend on these lands. When we see the construction of the site and the settlement nearby, it appears clear that the construction of the Wall inside Palestinian territories aims at annexing more Palestinian lands and facilitates the expansion of the new settlement called Nahlat Heftziba.
But the inhabitants of Bi’lin have decided to fight this injustice in their way, by using non-violent means of resistance. Thus every Friday, they use their right to protest and go to the construction site and face the soldiers. They organised themselves in a Popular Committee Against the Wall. One of the leading members, Mohammed Khatib declared:
"...Bilin is being strangled by Israel's wall... After Israeli courts refused our appeals to prevent wall construction, we, along with Israelis and people from around the world, began peacefully protesting the confiscation of our land. We chose to resist non-violently because we are peace-loving people who are victims of occupation. We have opened our homes to the Israelis who have joined us. They have become our partners in struggle. Together we send a strong message - that we can coexist in peace and security. We welcome anyone who comes to us as a guest and who works for peace and justice for both peoples, but we will resist anyone who comes as an occupier."
Because their approach is non-violent, they are now called the Palestinian Gandhis.They have used their creativity and every Friday is different. Once there were only women, then only children. They tied themselves to their Olive trees. They also handcuffed themselves to show that they do not intend to use violence. They sang and prayed in front of the Israeli soldiers. Sometimes they were numerous, sometimes only a few but the consistency of the weekly protest is beginning to find some echoes in the medias. Every Friday the storyboard seems to be the same. However everybody is aware that anything can rapidly change and that one can be arrested, injured or even killed. The Israeli army does not hesitate to repress them by using a disproportionate use of force. Protesting is simply a very dangerous act in Palestine, where one put his life at risk. On July 2005, a a 16-year-old from Bilin, Muheeb Assi, was shot to death by the Israeli army during one of the demonstrations. How many people- Palestinians, Israelis and internationals have been arrested, injured, or killed during such demonstrations? Nobody knows.
The violence has begun to be questioned within Israeli society, notably following the release of some videos showing the beaten up of non-violent protestors. Even the Israeli Courts have used such video to order the release of some Palestinians that clearly were violently arrested without any justification other than the political aim to deter them to participate or organise such demonstrations. However these images do not go beyond the Israeli and Arab medias and I wonder why, as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict attracts so much media coverage. Why non-violent resistance of Palestinians is not shown while there was so much coverage of the confrontations between the Israeli soldiers and settlers in Gaza or on the demonstrations from settlers? Bi’lin is not the first case and other villages have been also protested such as Marda; Jayyus, Biddu and Beit Surik. But once again who have heard of them?
This Friday I did not go to the demonstration with a quiet mind.
Especially the last two demonstrations in Bi’lin have resulted in many injuries and arrests. Now the army seems not only to violently repress the demonstration but tries to prevent them even before they start. Last Friday the army tried to prevent the participation of Israeli peace activists to participate in the demonstration by setting up roadblocks around Bi’lin and declaring a curfew. They ordered the Israelis that stay in Bi’lin in solidarity to leave and when they refused they arrested them. Nevertheless some inhabitants of Bi’lin defied the curfew and went out, hitting on pots, a gesture that echoes what has been used in South America. They were joined by 300 Israeli activists who managed to reach the village through a settlement and after a walk of several kilometers. The violent response from the army resulted in many injuries.
This week the highlight of the day was the participation of an Israeli pianist, an holocaust survivor, who made a small concert and of an American folk singer who sang in front of the soldiers against the occupation. The protestors faced the soldiers and then some tried to bypass them to reach the construction of the site. Two internationals were then very violently arrested. They were dragged and the hands were so tightly tied that their wrists were red and cut. The soldiers then moved closer to the youth of the village who have begun to throw stones. The soldiers threw a lot of tear gas and began shooting rubber bullets. Usually this is at this moment, when most of the journalists left the site, that most injuries occur. I left and I finally could breathe without smelling that awful gas that burns your eyes and makes you cry. But in the collective taxi suddenly one of the child showed the open window and shouted “gas, gas!”. The gas invaded the car. We were nevertheless a few kilometers from the location of the demonstration. It means that the gas goes everywhere in the village and inside the houses, and it should be so bad for the children and babies, the sick and old people.
At the end of the day, eight injuries were reported, by rubber bullets and inhalation of tear gas and six people have been arrested. If the demonstrations are so severely and violently repressed, it is because the Israeli government knows the impact that could have the multiplication of such demonstrations on the international opinion. However we are far from a mass movement. At the demonstration on Friday, the protestors were only around 50 and there were as many as soldiers and photographers. Furthermore, among the protesters there were more internationals and Israelis than the inhabitants of the village. Many Palestinians are tired of these demonstrations which seem to have no result so why taking the risk of being killed? Nevertheless, week after week the demonstration has the merit to exist and Bi’lin represents a symbol and a glimpse of hope that, if it is not suffocated by tear gas or killed by rubber bullets, expands and becomes internationally covered by the media, could expand into a moving force in the conflict.
Alors que le mois dernier les medias n'ont parlé que du désengagement de la bande de Gaza, la construction du Mur et l'expansion des colonies continue en Cisjordanie.
Depuis des mois un petit village de Cisjordanie, Bi’lin, situé à l’Ouest de Ramallah, organise chaque vendredi des manifestations non-violentes contre la construction du Mur autour de leur village. La première fois que j’ai entendu de ce village, c’est par l’intermédiaire d’une famille palestinienne qui m’ont invitée chez eux à Ramallah mais qui sont originaires de Bi’lin. Le patriarche de la famille était riche par toutes les terres qu’il possédait. Il a tout perdu aujourd’hui et il ne lui reste plus que sa maison. Ses terres ont disparu derrière le site de la construction du Mur, comme la moitié des terres du village.
Bi’lin est un village traditionnel entouré de belles montagnes mais aussi de colonies. Nous sommes à une dizaine de kilometres de la Ligne verte, le Mur rentre donc ici profondément dans les terres palestiniennes. Avec le Mur il est clair qu'ici il s'agit de prendre plus de territoires afin de faciliter l'expansion de la nouvelle colonie appelée Nahlat Heftziba.
Les villageois ont décidé de se mobiliser et de ne pas accepter cette injustice.
Ils ont crée un comité populaire contre le Mur. Un des membres fondateurs de ce comité, Mohammed Khatib a déclaré:
"Bilin est en train d'etre étranglé par le Mur...Apres que les courts israéliennes aient refusé notre appel pour empecher la construction du Mur, nous avons commence a manifester pacifiquement avec des Israeliens et des gens du monde entier contre la confiscation de nos terres. Nous avons choisi de resister d'une maniere non violentee car nous sommes des personnes paisibles qui sommes victimes de l'occupation. Nous avons ouvert nos maisons aux Israeliens qui nous ont rejoints. Ils sont devenus nos partenaires dans la lutte. Ensemble nous envoyons le message fort que nous pouvons coexister dans la paix et la securite. Nous souhaitons la bienvenue a tous ceux qui viennent en invites et pour travailler pour la paix pour els deux peuples mais nous resisterons tous ceux qui viennent en occupants." Leur approche non-violente les a fait surnommes les Gandhis Palestiniens.
Depuis des mois, chaque vendredi les habitants de Bi'lin utilisent leur droit de manifester. Ils se rendent sur le site de la construction du Mur faire face aux soldats. Ils ont fait preuve à chaque fois de créativité en usant de différents symboles et formes de protestation. Il y a eu une manifestation composée uniquement de femmes puis d’enfants. A d’autres occasions les manifestants se sont enchaînés aux oliviers, ou encore se sont menottés eux-mêmes afin de bien montrer qu’il s’agit avant tout de manifestations non-violentes. Ils ont aussi prié et chanté devant les soldats. Au fur et à mesure les médias ont de plus en plus couvert ces manifestations auxquelles participent désormais des Israéliens et des internationaux. Chaque vendredi on pense qu’il s’agit d’un scénario bien huilé et pourtant on ne sait jamais ce qui peut arriver. Tout peut basculer très vite. En effet en face, l’armée israélienne n’hésite pas à employer la force, d’une manière le plus souvent violente et excessive. On est loin des images du désengagement de Gaza de soldats compatissants ou compréhensifs. Il faut le savoir, quand on manifeste en Palestine on peut être arrêté mais aussi blessé ou tué. En Juillet 2005, un jeune de 16 ans de Bi'lin, Muheeb Assi, a ete tue par l'armee israelienne. Combien il y a eu de personnes blessées et arrêtées depuis le debut des manifestations à Bi’lin? A la première manifestation à laquelle j’ai assisté, il y avait eu une trentaine de blessés, notamment par des balles en caoutchouc. Cette semaine je suis donc retournée assister à la manifestation avec je dois dire une petite boule dans le ventre.
La journée a commencé par un concert au piano par un Israélien survivant de l’holocauste, tandis qu’un chanteur américain folk a sorti sa guitare et a chanté devant les soldats. Les manifestants ont fait face aux soldats puis ont essayé de contourner le barrage. Deux internationaux ont tenté de se rendre sur le site de la construction du Mur. Ils ont été rattrapé par les soldats, et arrêté d’une manière très violente, traînés par terre et avaient les poignets lacérés par les liens trop serrés. Les soldats se sont ensuite rapprochés des jeunes de Bi'lin qui commençaient à jeter des pierres. Les soldats israéliens ont répondu en utilisant des gaz lacrymogènes et en tirant des balles en caoutchouc. A ce stade je suis partie mais alors que je m’éloignais en taxi collectif du village, un des enfants a soudainement fait signe de fermer la fenêtre en criant « gaz gaz ! ». En effet le gaz a envahi le véhicule et nous nous sommes tous mis à tousser et pleurer. Nous étions pourtant à deux ou trois kilomètres du site de la manifestation. Le gaz pénètre ainsi dans le village, dans les maisons et je dois dire que le respirer ne serait-ce que quelques secondes est une expérience horrible, alors qu’en est-il pour les personnes âgées, les enfants et bébés, les personnes malades? Au total, huit personnes ont été blessées, par balles en caoutchouc ou inhalation de gaz lacrymogènes et six ont été arrêtées.
L’armée israélienne ne se contente pas de réprimer durement de telles manifestations, elle essaye aussi de les empêcher. La semaine dernière l’armée avait imposé un couvre-feu le jour de la manifestation à Bi’lin. Les civils Israéliens qui venaient participer ont trouvé des barrages leur interdisant l’accès au village. Les soldats sont aussi rentrés à Bi’lin pour exiger des Israéliens qui y séjournent en solidarité de partir. Quand ils ont refusé ils ont été arrêtés. Mais les villageois ont bravé le couvre-feu et sont sortis en cognant sur des casseroles. Ils ont été finalement rejoints par 300 Israéliens qui ont réussi à rejoindre Bi’lin en passant par une colonie et en marchant des kilomètres. Cette semaine des activistes israéliens ont été également empêchés d’atteindre le village.
La violence dont fait preuve l’armée commence à être questionnée. Comme souvent ce sont des images choquantes d’activistes battus par les soldats qui ont fait réagir l’opinion. Trois juges israéliens ont ainsi récemment fustigé l'armée pour un usage excessif et non justifié de la force contre les manifestants. Je ne parle cependant que de l’opinion israélienne car de tels actes, alors que le conflit est tellement médiatisé, ne trouve curieusement pas d’écho dans les médias internationaux. Pourquoi ces actes de résistance non-violente ne sont pas médiatisés tandis que les confrontations entre soldats israéliens et colons à gaza ont donné lieu à un grand tapage médiatique ? La résistance non-violente existe en Palestine, elle commence aussi par le simple fait pour les Palestiniens de ne pas partir. Bi’lin n’est par ailleurs pas le premier village à organiser de telles manifestations qui se sont multipliées depuis deux ans. Avant il y a eu Marda, Budros, Jayyus, Biddu ou Beit Surik. Mais qui en a entendu parler ?
Si l’armée réprime si durement de telles manifestations, c’est qu’elle sait le potentiel que pourrait représenter une multiplication de telles évènements en Palestine, notamment aux yeux de l’opinion internationale. Nous en sommes encore loin. A la manifestation de vendredi, il n’y avait que 50 manifestants, et presque autant de soldats et photographes. Les internationaux et activistes Israéliens étaient plus nombreux que les habitants du village. Beaucoup de Palestiniens sont las de ces manifestations qui ne semblent rien changer, alors à quoi bon prendre le risque de se faire tuer ? Le caractère non-violent n’a aussi duré qu’un temps et finalement une fois que la manifestation s’est dispersée, les jeunes du village ont commencer à lancer des pierres car c’est ainsi qu’ils expriment leur colère et frustration.
Pourtant semaine après semaine, la manifestation a le mérite d’exister et représente en tant que telle un symbole et une lueur d’espoir : une autre manière de résister, qui si elle se développe et si elle n’est pas asphyxiée par les gaz lacrymogènes ou tuée par les balles, pourrait représenter une force motrice dans le conflit et changer les perceptions sur les protagonistes.
Saturday 17 September .
While all the media attention has been devoted to the desengagement of the Gaza Strip in the last few months, the construction of the Wall and the expansion of settlements continues in the West Bank.
On Friday, I decided to go back to Bi’lin. Since months, the inhabitants of Bi’lin together with Israeli peace activists and internationals organize every Friday a demonstration against the construction of the Wall around the village. Bi’lin is a beautiful village surrounded by mountains but also settlements, located West of Ramallah. The first time I heard about it was through a Palestinian family I stayed with in Ramallah. They are originated from this village and told me how the Patriarch of the family has lost all his lands because of the Wall. Once considered as quite wealthy, he is left with nothing but his house. The construction of the Wall, which stands in Bi’lin far from the Green Line, has indeed resulted in the loss of more than half of the village’s land. Most of the income of the 1,600 inhabitants from Bi'lin depend on these lands. When we see the construction of the site and the settlement nearby, it appears clear that the construction of the Wall inside Palestinian territories aims at annexing more Palestinian lands and facilitates the expansion of the new settlement called Nahlat Heftziba.
But the inhabitants of Bi’lin have decided to fight this injustice in their way, by using non-violent means of resistance. Thus every Friday, they use their right to protest and go to the construction site and face the soldiers. They organised themselves in a Popular Committee Against the Wall. One of the leading members, Mohammed Khatib declared:
"...Bilin is being strangled by Israel's wall... After Israeli courts refused our appeals to prevent wall construction, we, along with Israelis and people from around the world, began peacefully protesting the confiscation of our land. We chose to resist non-violently because we are peace-loving people who are victims of occupation. We have opened our homes to the Israelis who have joined us. They have become our partners in struggle. Together we send a strong message - that we can coexist in peace and security. We welcome anyone who comes to us as a guest and who works for peace and justice for both peoples, but we will resist anyone who comes as an occupier."
Because their approach is non-violent, they are now called the Palestinian Gandhis.They have used their creativity and every Friday is different. Once there were only women, then only children. They tied themselves to their Olive trees. They also handcuffed themselves to show that they do not intend to use violence. They sang and prayed in front of the Israeli soldiers. Sometimes they were numerous, sometimes only a few but the consistency of the weekly protest is beginning to find some echoes in the medias. Every Friday the storyboard seems to be the same. However everybody is aware that anything can rapidly change and that one can be arrested, injured or even killed. The Israeli army does not hesitate to repress them by using a disproportionate use of force. Protesting is simply a very dangerous act in Palestine, where one put his life at risk. On July 2005, a a 16-year-old from Bilin, Muheeb Assi, was shot to death by the Israeli army during one of the demonstrations. How many people- Palestinians, Israelis and internationals have been arrested, injured, or killed during such demonstrations? Nobody knows.
The violence has begun to be questioned within Israeli society, notably following the release of some videos showing the beaten up of non-violent protestors. Even the Israeli Courts have used such video to order the release of some Palestinians that clearly were violently arrested without any justification other than the political aim to deter them to participate or organise such demonstrations. However these images do not go beyond the Israeli and Arab medias and I wonder why, as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict attracts so much media coverage. Why non-violent resistance of Palestinians is not shown while there was so much coverage of the confrontations between the Israeli soldiers and settlers in Gaza or on the demonstrations from settlers? Bi’lin is not the first case and other villages have been also protested such as Marda; Jayyus, Biddu and Beit Surik. But once again who have heard of them?
This Friday I did not go to the demonstration with a quiet mind.
Especially the last two demonstrations in Bi’lin have resulted in many injuries and arrests. Now the army seems not only to violently repress the demonstration but tries to prevent them even before they start. Last Friday the army tried to prevent the participation of Israeli peace activists to participate in the demonstration by setting up roadblocks around Bi’lin and declaring a curfew. They ordered the Israelis that stay in Bi’lin in solidarity to leave and when they refused they arrested them. Nevertheless some inhabitants of Bi’lin defied the curfew and went out, hitting on pots, a gesture that echoes what has been used in South America. They were joined by 300 Israeli activists who managed to reach the village through a settlement and after a walk of several kilometers. The violent response from the army resulted in many injuries.
This week the highlight of the day was the participation of an Israeli pianist, an holocaust survivor, who made a small concert and of an American folk singer who sang in front of the soldiers against the occupation. The protestors faced the soldiers and then some tried to bypass them to reach the construction of the site. Two internationals were then very violently arrested. They were dragged and the hands were so tightly tied that their wrists were red and cut. The soldiers then moved closer to the youth of the village who have begun to throw stones. The soldiers threw a lot of tear gas and began shooting rubber bullets. Usually this is at this moment, when most of the journalists left the site, that most injuries occur. I left and I finally could breathe without smelling that awful gas that burns your eyes and makes you cry. But in the collective taxi suddenly one of the child showed the open window and shouted “gas, gas!”. The gas invaded the car. We were nevertheless a few kilometers from the location of the demonstration. It means that the gas goes everywhere in the village and inside the houses, and it should be so bad for the children and babies, the sick and old people.
At the end of the day, eight injuries were reported, by rubber bullets and inhalation of tear gas and six people have been arrested. If the demonstrations are so severely and violently repressed, it is because the Israeli government knows the impact that could have the multiplication of such demonstrations on the international opinion. However we are far from a mass movement. At the demonstration on Friday, the protestors were only around 50 and there were as many as soldiers and photographers. Furthermore, among the protesters there were more internationals and Israelis than the inhabitants of the village. Many Palestinians are tired of these demonstrations which seem to have no result so why taking the risk of being killed? Nevertheless, week after week the demonstration has the merit to exist and Bi’lin represents a symbol and a glimpse of hope that, if it is not suffocated by tear gas or killed by rubber bullets, expands and becomes internationally covered by the media, could expand into a moving force in the conflict.
Thursday, September 15, 2005
De retour/ Back in Palestine
Hello tout le monde,
je suis bien arrivee en Palestine apres un petit mois en Europe.
Ce petit sejour m'a encore montre combien le public ne sait pas ce qui se passe sur le terrain. Aucun probleme a l'aeroport, j'ai eu un petit choc quand meme en retournant a ramallah et en voyant a quel point la construction du nouveau terminal a qalandia a avance. Encore plus de Mur, de tours militaires et le chemin est plus long, j ai donc du traine ma valise dans les pierres sur 300 metres. Enfin voila je cherche a m'installer, je vais chercher un apart a ramallah, en attendant je reste chez une famille palestinienne. Je vais travailler dans une universite palestinienne tout en continuant mes photos et rapports de terrain.
Je vous tiens au courant.
Hi everybody, here I am, back to Palestine after one month in Europe. -- There was no problem to enter Israel. The morning of my arrival I was shocked when i saw the changes at Qalandia checkpoint. The new terminal is almost ready. The Wal is now on both sides of teh checkpint and there are more military watchtowers. The way also is longer so I had to walk with my heavy suitcase on a very rocky path for 300 meters. Now i am looking for a flat in Ramallah. in the meantime i stay with a Palestinian family. I will work in a Palestinian university and I will continue also to write reports and takes pictures. The issues are numerous. As everybody praise Sharon for the disengagement from the Gaza Strip,
Since arriving to the ceasefire deal between Israel and the Palestinians on February 8, 2005, Israeli soldiers conducted 12903 violations, 88 residents were killed, 767 were injured, and 2115 residents were arrested.
The violations also include mistreatments at military checkpoint, mistreatment at the gates of the Separation Wall, restrictions on movement of the residents, including restrictions on movement of medical teams.
Dozens of residents were detained and interrogated on border crossings, and were not allowed to leave the country.
Military checkpoints were installed 2725 times during this period, 1434 shooting attacks were carried out, and 34776 Dunams of farmlands were annexed.
Settlers carried out 432 attacks in several Palestinian areas; the attacks included breaking into homes, attacking school children and teacher, especially in Hebron, and fired at residents and homes in the Palestinian areas which are adjacent to the settlements.
The construction of the Wall has speeded up, especially around Jerusalem. Also more settlers in the West Bank have arrived (last year the number of new settlers in the West Bank is greater than the number of the settlers that were removed from the Gaza Strip). A new settlement has been planned at the heart of the Old City of Jerusalem, wheich represents not only a blatant violation of international law but also a grace act of provocation.
So continue to follow my blog. I will keep you updated.
je suis bien arrivee en Palestine apres un petit mois en Europe.
Ce petit sejour m'a encore montre combien le public ne sait pas ce qui se passe sur le terrain. Aucun probleme a l'aeroport, j'ai eu un petit choc quand meme en retournant a ramallah et en voyant a quel point la construction du nouveau terminal a qalandia a avance. Encore plus de Mur, de tours militaires et le chemin est plus long, j ai donc du traine ma valise dans les pierres sur 300 metres. Enfin voila je cherche a m'installer, je vais chercher un apart a ramallah, en attendant je reste chez une famille palestinienne. Je vais travailler dans une universite palestinienne tout en continuant mes photos et rapports de terrain.
Les sujets a traiter ne manquent pas.alors que beaucoup applaudissent Sharon pour le desengagement de la bande de gaza, un rapport du The National Information Center fait etat que depuis le cessez-le-feu entre Israeliens et Palestiniens en Fevrier 2005:
- 88 palestiniens ont ete tues, 767 blesses and 2115 arretes. Les violations incluent par ailleurs des mauvais traitements aux barrages (checkpoints) et aux ponts de passage dans le Mur, des restrictions aux mouvements de circulation a l'interieur meme des territoires occupes. Des checkpoints ont ete installes 2725 fois et il y a 1434 attaques avec des tirs. 34 776 dunnams de terre ont ete annexes. Les colons ont conduit 432 attaques, comprenant des intrusions dans des maisonsm des attaques contre des ecoliers et des professeurs et des tirs contre des maisons palestiennes adjacentes aux colonies.
La construction du Mur s'accelere, notamment autour de Jerusalem et le nombre de colons en Cisjordanie ne cesse d'augmenter (l'annee passee il y a plus de colons se sont installes en Cisjordanie que le nombre de colons qui a ete retire de Gaza). Une nouvelle colonie a ete prevue au coeur de la vieille ville de Jerusalem, ce qui represente non seulement une violation du droit internationale mais un acte de provocation grave.
Je vous tiens au courant.
Hi everybody, here I am, back to Palestine after one month in Europe. -- There was no problem to enter Israel. The morning of my arrival I was shocked when i saw the changes at Qalandia checkpoint. The new terminal is almost ready. The Wal is now on both sides of teh checkpint and there are more military watchtowers. The way also is longer so I had to walk with my heavy suitcase on a very rocky path for 300 meters. Now i am looking for a flat in Ramallah. in the meantime i stay with a Palestinian family. I will work in a Palestinian university and I will continue also to write reports and takes pictures. The issues are numerous. As everybody praise Sharon for the disengagement from the Gaza Strip,
Since arriving to the ceasefire deal between Israel and the Palestinians on February 8, 2005, Israeli soldiers conducted 12903 violations, 88 residents were killed, 767 were injured, and 2115 residents were arrested.
The violations also include mistreatments at military checkpoint, mistreatment at the gates of the Separation Wall, restrictions on movement of the residents, including restrictions on movement of medical teams.
Dozens of residents were detained and interrogated on border crossings, and were not allowed to leave the country.
Military checkpoints were installed 2725 times during this period, 1434 shooting attacks were carried out, and 34776 Dunams of farmlands were annexed.
Settlers carried out 432 attacks in several Palestinian areas; the attacks included breaking into homes, attacking school children and teacher, especially in Hebron, and fired at residents and homes in the Palestinian areas which are adjacent to the settlements.
The construction of the Wall has speeded up, especially around Jerusalem. Also more settlers in the West Bank have arrived (last year the number of new settlers in the West Bank is greater than the number of the settlers that were removed from the Gaza Strip). A new settlement has been planned at the heart of the Old City of Jerusalem, wheich represents not only a blatant violation of international law but also a grace act of provocation.
So continue to follow my blog. I will keep you updated.
Thursday, September 08, 2005
on disengagement
“The
By Ilan Pappé *
There is an amazing gap between the global discourse on the Gaza Disengagement Plan of the
This imbalance between representation and reality makes it difficult to assess and discuss the significance of the
For instance, the removal of the provocative settlements from the Gaza Strip and from a small area in the north of the
Moreover, regardless of its real motives, the move could advance the Palestinian right to self-determination. This is a position argued by the Islamic forces in the OPTs, which see the pullout as the defeat of the occupying army, and there is indeed more than a modicum of truth in this representation. However, for these two positive aspects to materialize as a new reality, the withdrawal must mean a genuine Israeli detachment from the lives of the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and northern parts of the
Unfortunately, there is very little evidence to suggest that this will in fact be the outcome of the disengagement. The first omen is the Israeli insistence that there will be no further territorial concessions. While this position is not always stated openly, it was spelled out clearly by Dov Weissglas, Ariel Sharon's senior aide, in an interview with Ha'aretz on
Furthermore, the Israelis have minimized, as far as possible, any cooperation with the Palestinian Authority on the withdrawal in order to avoid creating any domestic impression that the pullout is part of a peace dialogue, and not, as they wish to portray it, the redeployment of forces.
These declarations fit well with the overall strategy of the
Thus, the wider context for analyzing the impact of the Disengagement Plan on human rights is
At the very least, one can expect a similar level of resistance to that currently being attempted by the various Palestinian forces in their desperate struggle against the status quo (although one can even envisage far worse scenarios). Let us assume, for the sake of argument, that the frustration in the Palestinian areas will not result in actions that exceed the known patterns of attacks against the army and settlers from both the Gaza Strip and the
Three senior Israelis—the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense and Eival Giladi, the Director of the Strategic Coordination Staff in the Prime Minister's Office—have already explained what the Israeli retaliation would be against such a Palestinian reaction. Giladi told the printed and electronic press that, "Israel will act in a very resolute manner in order to prevent terror attacks and militant fire while the disengagement is being implemented … and if pinpoint response proves insufficient, we may have to use weaponry that causes collateral damage, including helicopters and planes, with mounting danger to surrounding people" (Ha'aretz, 22 June 2005).
A month later, Tawfiq abu Husa, spokesperson for the Palestinian Ministry of the Interior, notified the Israelis that the Ministry could not secure a peaceful pullout (www.walla.co.il,
According to the book, in order to 'rehabilitate' the loss of 'Arab respect' for the army, back in 2000 and 2001 Mofaz foiled any serious attempt made by the Palestinians and moderate Israelis to end the military escalation of the second Intifada. The book shows that the Disengagement Plan was concocted by Ariel Sharon, after learning that then-state prosecutor Edna Arbel was about to indict him on corruption charges. The army went along with the plan, although most of Mofaz's colleagues rejected it. The army's position is quite puzzling. All of its senior officers said openly and in internal debates that a unilateral withdrawal would be a disaster. Eventually, however, all, to a man, came out in its favor. Why did the IDF agree to a plan it thought was disastrous? According to the book, because it bent to heavy political pressure from a Prime Minister who was convinced he would be prosecuted for his political and financial corruption. Indeed, the army chiefs continue to argue that after the withdrawal there is likely to be more fire directed from the Strip at Jewish towns within pre-1967
The likelihood that the disengagement will not end the occupation, but rather perpetuate it, is in itself bad news for the future human and civil rights of the Palestinians. The possibility of brutal Israeli actions leading to massive killing within the Gaza Strip is also troubling, to say the least. Moreover, the Israeli insistence on disconnecting the Strip from any land contact to the east, north and south, and on continuing to blockade it from the sea to the west, raises genuine concerns about the economic standard of living and social welfare of its more than 1.4 million Palestinian residents.
It is quite likely, then, that Palestinians will pay for the 'national trauma,' in order that both the 'nation' and the army can feel healed after the crisis is over. However, far more important is the possible sense of success that will descend on the Israeli policy-making apparatus, should the withdrawal be implemented relatively smoothly. It would be considered a victory for 'unilateralism,' which is now the mantra of the consensual political center in the country.
‘Unilateralism' means that the Palestinians, wherever they are—inside Israel, in the refugee camps, in the Diaspora or in the OPTs—have no say in the future of Palestine and Israel. Hence, laws can be passed to prevent Palestinian marital partners from different sides of the Green Line from living together in Israel, with total disregard to the wishes of the Palestinians themselves (in July 2005, 59 members of Knesset voted to extend this law, with minor amendments, whilst only 13 voted against it, although in fact more than 100 out of 120 Israeli members of Knesset support this racist legislation). In addition, Israeli security arrangements in the form of the wall and other defensive means can be decided upon regardless of any concern for what the Israeli Supreme Court euphemistically calls "the comfort of the Palestinians." By now it has been well documented that these means have caused the transfer of people, the loss of their livelihood and their imprisonment between huge walls and army lookout towers.
After the withdrawal, which is portrayed domestically as a national trauma not to be repeated, and to the world at large as the bravest peace plan ever proposed to the Palestinians, 'unilateralism' is in danger of becoming sacrosanct. In terms of human rights, this means that in the aftermath of the disengagement the Israeli agencies dealing with the Palestinians under their control will pursue the same callous policies described above with even less regard to Palestinian opinion or rights. Against the mood and discourse of 'significant concessions'—as with the talk of 'the most generous offer' in the summer of 2000—the Israeli authorities will have no scruples in determining, with brutal force, who the Palestinians can marry, where they can live and work, when they can go out or for how long they have to stay imprisoned in their homes before curfews and closures are lifted. Worse, the army will be able to continue its policies of shooting and killing without any inhibitions.
Within
However, the government and its agencies' overall treatment of the protest movement serves to highlight a different aspect of human and civil rights in Israel: the wide gap between the ways in which Palestinian and Jewish citizens of Israel engaged in protests against the government are dealt with. Some of the actions undertaken by the protestors were identical to those undertaken during the protest demonstrations held by Palestinian citizens of
Although the settlers and their supporters have been engaging in such activities for several months, the police have responded almost entirely through non-violent means resulting in almost no injuries. Detainees have been held for relatively short periods of time. In October 2000, 13 unarmed Palestinian citizens of
The discrimination evident in the means of dealing with these two cases is a portentous omen for the future. It suggests not only that Israel will attempt to evade withdrawal from any further occupied land and avoid conducting genuine peace negotiations with the Palestinians, but also that it will maintain the current regime of segregation and discrimination within Israel, allowing extreme right wingers to perpetuate Israeli intransigence and preventing Palestinian and non-Zionist political groups in Israel from enjoying their basic rights to freedom of _expression and political participation.
In short, the Disengagement Plan is a step toward consolidating an Israeli regime of discrimination inside the state, as well as the policies of occupation, colonization, and, potentially, massive killing in the OPTs. The regrettable misconception of the move in the international media will allow the Israeli government to continue to pursue its plans. As in the past, it remains the duty of the civil societies in the West to expose this distorted picture and to exert pressure on their governments to demand a total Israeli withdrawal from all of the territories it occupied in 1967 and the introduction of international peace-keeping forces in their place. These developments would bring relief to those living under occupation, after enduring almost 40 years of the systematic abuse of their human and civil rights. International protection should be provided for the Palestinians until all the outstanding problems—the refugee issue, the question of
Friday, August 12, 2005
du neguev
Desolee de ne pas avoir ecrit ces temps-ci. le temps s'accelere et au milieu du Neguev pas facile de trouver des acces internet. la je suis a Beersheva. la ville principale du desert du Neguev. je suis allee visiter des communautes bedouines qui vivent dans des villages non reconnus par le gouvernement israelien et qui sont desormais menaces de demolition. Puis je suis descendue plus au sud a Metze ramon, une ville au bord d 'un enorme cratere- paysages desertiques fantastiques, je vais essayer de poster des photos bientot.
Hi sorry not to have written, no time and not so easy to find an internet access in the middle of the Neguev.
I am in Beersheva, the main city from the Negueve desert. very strange place, i visited some Bedouins communities which have many problems and are discriminated. they live in very poor conditions in unrecognized villages, ie that the Israeli governement does not want to recognize. they are now theatened wuth demolition orders, Then i moved on to further south to Metze ramon a great place with amasing landscapes,
i will try to post the pics later on.
Hi sorry not to have written, no time and not so easy to find an internet access in the middle of the Neguev.
I am in Beersheva, the main city from the Negueve desert. very strange place, i visited some Bedouins communities which have many problems and are discriminated. they live in very poor conditions in unrecognized villages, ie that the Israeli governement does not want to recognize. they are now theatened wuth demolition orders, Then i moved on to further south to Metze ramon a great place with amasing landscapes,
i will try to post the pics later on.
Thursday, August 04, 2005
Une famille du camp de refugies de Aida face au Mur/ A family of Aida refugee camp faces the Wall
Depuis quelques semaines je visite la meme famille adorable du camp de refugies de Aida a Bethlehem. Les soldats y rentrent pratiquement tous les jours. J'ai suivi la construction du Mur qui ne se trouve qu'a quelques metres de leur balcon. Les enfants ont vu peu a peu disparaitre les arbres autour desquels ils avaient l'habitude de jouer. Le Mur n'etait pas encore totalement ferme et il restait une ouverture de quelques metres mais la derniere fois que j'y suis retournee j ai decouvert avec horreur qu'ils avaient laisse cette ouverture pour y mettre une tour militaire!
les soldats y viennent la nuit. Toute la journee la famille regarde les clash quotidiens entre les jeunes du camp et les soldats. ils n'ont nulle part d'autre a regarder.
ENGLISH
Since a few weeks, i keep coming back to visit the same lovely family in Aida refugee camp in Bethlhem.
I have witnessed the advancement of the construction of the Wall just a few meters away from their balcony. Everyday they saw the trees around which they use to play disappear behind the Wall. The soldiers come everyday in the camp, thus provoking daily clashes with the Yound Palestinians from the camp. The Wall was not entirely closed and they left a few-meters opening. But last time i went i discovered with horror that the opening was closed with a huge military watch tower. Soldiers stay there at night. Everyday the fanily watches the clashes as they have nothing else left to watch from their balcony.
La vieille ville fantome de Hebron- The Old ghost city of Hebron
La vieille ville de Hebron est toujours deserte et marquee par une forte presence militaire et les violences des colons. Un filet a ete installe dans les rues pour proteger les Palestiniens des ordures jetes par les colons qui habitent au-dessus. Partout on peut voir des etoiles de Davod inscrits par les colons juifs sur les devantures des magasins palestiniens fermes.
ENGLISH
The Old City of Hebron is still deserted and characterized by a strong military presence and settlers' violence. A net has been put to protect Palestinians from the garbage thrown by the settlers that live above. Everywhere one can see David stars that the Jewish settlers put on the doors of the closed Palestinian shops.
Saturday, July 30, 2005
Lettre pour Zyad-letter for Zyad
Pour aider Ziyad, un defenseur des droits humains arrete par l'armee israelienne (voir cas dans post precedent), vous pouvez envoyer une lettre sous le modele suivant.
To help Ziyad, a human rights fieldworker, who has been arrested by the Israeli army, you can use the model letter as followed.
Tzipi Livni (Ms) Minister of Justice Ministry of Justice 29 Salah al-Din Street Jerusalem 91010, Israel
Menahem Mazuz (Mr) Attorney-General/Legal Advisor to the Government Ministry of Justice 29 Salah al-Din Street Jerusalem 91010, Israel
Brigadier General Avihai Mandelblit Chief Military Attorney 6 David Elazar Street Hakirya Tel Aviv Israel
17h June 2005
Dear Minister,
I was disturbed to hear of today’s decision by the Moscobiya Military Court to place Ziyad Muhammad Shehadeh Hmeidan in administrative detention, for an indefinitely renewable period of six months. Administrative detention is the imprisonment of individuals without charge or trial by administrative rather than judicial procedure. Ziyad, 31, lives in al-Khass village near Bethlehem, and has been a fieldworker with human rights organisation Al-Haq since 2000. He is responsible for monitoring and documenting violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in the Bethlehem area of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). No formal charges have been brought against him, nor has the evidence supporting his detention been made available to his lawyer. Despite this, Ziyad was issued with an administrative detention order today in violation of his fundamental rights under international law, in particular the right to due process.
Ziyad was detained on 23 May 2005 at the Qalandiya checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem, while on his way back to Bethlehem from Birzeit University where he is a postgraduate student. Ziyad has now spent 25 days in detention without any formal charges being brought against him, and without being informed of the reasons for his detention. Furthermore, the Israeli authorities have taken measures to inhibit and deny his access to a lawyer. This was done by moving him between different detention facilities and then (through an order issued in a hearing on 30 May) preventing his access to counsel for eight days. This order, and indeed his subsequent administrative detention, has been justified by “security reasons”, which have not been disclosed to Ziyad or his legal counsel.
Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Israel is a State Party, guarantees to everyone the right not to be subjected to arbitrary detention. It also gives everyone the right, if arrested, to be promptly informed of the reasons for the arrest and of any criminal charges. While Israel has derogated from its obligations under this article, the UN Human Rights Committee has made it clear in its 1998 periodic review of Israel’s compliance with the ICCPR, that a State party may not depart from the requirement of effective judicial review of detention. Specifically, according to the Committee, a detained person must be informed promptly of the reasons for detention and must be allowed access to a lawyer within 48 hours of the detention. Moreover, administrative detention must be of a short duration and can not be for an indefinite period.
In addition, the right to a fair trial is guaranteed under international humanitarian law. The legal principle that no one may be convicted or sentenced, except pursuant to a fair trial affording all essential judicial guarantees, has been deemed customary by the International Committee of the Red Cross. Ziyad’s treatment does not conform to these obligations.
I am compelled to highlight that Ziyad’s situation is not unique. Addameer (a support and human rights organization of Palestinian prisoners) estimated that at the end of 2004 there were over 850 Palestinian administrative detainees in Israeli prisons. Further, Israel’s widespread and sustained policy of administrative detention is supported by both the government and the judiciary, denying Palestinian detainees any meaningful protection of their rights.
I believe that the Israeli policy of administrative detention violates international human rights and humanitarian law. In the absence of clear charges being brought against Ziyad Hmeidan, I demand his immediate and unconditional release.
Yours,
To help Ziyad, a human rights fieldworker, who has been arrested by the Israeli army, you can use the model letter as followed.
Tzipi Livni (Ms) Minister of Justice Ministry of Justice 29 Salah al-Din Street Jerusalem 91010, Israel
Menahem Mazuz (Mr) Attorney-General/Legal Advisor to the Government Ministry of Justice 29 Salah al-Din Street Jerusalem 91010, Israel
Brigadier General Avihai Mandelblit Chief Military Attorney 6 David Elazar Street Hakirya Tel Aviv Israel
17h June 2005
Dear Minister,
I was disturbed to hear of today’s decision by the Moscobiya Military Court to place Ziyad Muhammad Shehadeh Hmeidan in administrative detention, for an indefinitely renewable period of six months. Administrative detention is the imprisonment of individuals without charge or trial by administrative rather than judicial procedure. Ziyad, 31, lives in al-Khass village near Bethlehem, and has been a fieldworker with human rights organisation Al-Haq since 2000. He is responsible for monitoring and documenting violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in the Bethlehem area of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). No formal charges have been brought against him, nor has the evidence supporting his detention been made available to his lawyer. Despite this, Ziyad was issued with an administrative detention order today in violation of his fundamental rights under international law, in particular the right to due process.
Ziyad was detained on 23 May 2005 at the Qalandiya checkpoint between Ramallah and Jerusalem, while on his way back to Bethlehem from Birzeit University where he is a postgraduate student. Ziyad has now spent 25 days in detention without any formal charges being brought against him, and without being informed of the reasons for his detention. Furthermore, the Israeli authorities have taken measures to inhibit and deny his access to a lawyer. This was done by moving him between different detention facilities and then (through an order issued in a hearing on 30 May) preventing his access to counsel for eight days. This order, and indeed his subsequent administrative detention, has been justified by “security reasons”, which have not been disclosed to Ziyad or his legal counsel.
Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Israel is a State Party, guarantees to everyone the right not to be subjected to arbitrary detention. It also gives everyone the right, if arrested, to be promptly informed of the reasons for the arrest and of any criminal charges. While Israel has derogated from its obligations under this article, the UN Human Rights Committee has made it clear in its 1998 periodic review of Israel’s compliance with the ICCPR, that a State party may not depart from the requirement of effective judicial review of detention. Specifically, according to the Committee, a detained person must be informed promptly of the reasons for detention and must be allowed access to a lawyer within 48 hours of the detention. Moreover, administrative detention must be of a short duration and can not be for an indefinite period.
In addition, the right to a fair trial is guaranteed under international humanitarian law. The legal principle that no one may be convicted or sentenced, except pursuant to a fair trial affording all essential judicial guarantees, has been deemed customary by the International Committee of the Red Cross. Ziyad’s treatment does not conform to these obligations.
I am compelled to highlight that Ziyad’s situation is not unique. Addameer (a support and human rights organization of Palestinian prisoners) estimated that at the end of 2004 there were over 850 Palestinian administrative detainees in Israeli prisons. Further, Israel’s widespread and sustained policy of administrative detention is supported by both the government and the judiciary, denying Palestinian detainees any meaningful protection of their rights.
I believe that the Israeli policy of administrative detention violates international human rights and humanitarian law. In the absence of clear charges being brought against Ziyad Hmeidan, I demand his immediate and unconditional release.
Yours,
Wednesday, July 27, 2005
Defenseur des droits humains de l'organisation al haq en prison/ Al Haq's fieldworker in prison
Dessous, information en anglais sur l'arrestation et la detention de Ziyad un des correspondants locaux de Al Haq, qui a ete arrete en mai. Zyad travaille pour al haq depuis 5 ans, il a deux enfants en bas age. Il a ete mis en detention administrative- une procedure employee par les Israeliens par laquelle ils emprisonnent de nombreux Palestiniens sans aucun chef d'accusation. La seance de son audience a ete avance d'un jour et ainsi le personnel de Al Haq n'a pas pu y assister. Zyad a ete transfere dans un centre de detention dans le desert de Neguev repute pour des conditions de detention deplorable.
Merci d'ecrire pour demander sa remise en liberte aux autorites israeliennes
Al-Haq Fieldworker Ziyad Hmeidan in Administrative Detention.
On 23 May 2005, Al-Haq fieldworker Ziyad Muhammad Shehadeh Hmeidan wasdetained at Qalandia checkpoint. Since his detention, Al-Haq has beenfollowing his situation closely and has attempted to secure his release andensure he is not subjected to ill-treatment or torture.Ziyad, who has worked for Al-Haq for five years, was detained on 23 May,around 16.30, while crossing Qalandia checkpoint. Al-Haq learned of hisdetention when two Al-Haq staff members passed through the checkpointseveral hours later and discovered him handcuffed by the checkpoint. Ziyadtold them that he had handed over his ID (#999602097) to Israeli forces, whoran the number through a computer, and then took him aside and handcuffedhim. Ziyad was able to speak to the Al-Haq staff members for about half anhour, after which Israeli soldiers removed him to a small room, ostensiblybecause it was getting cold.Initial contacts made by Al-Haq suggested Ziyad might be taken to Beit ElDCO. However, two days later, Al-Haq learnt that he had initially beentransferred to an open-air facility, believed to be part of the Atarot IDFfacility, and had then been transferred to Etzion detention centre.At Etzion detention centre, Ziyad was able to communicate with lawyers fromother human rights organisations visiting the prison. Through them, Al-Haqlearnt that Ziyad had not been subjected to any physical abuse, and had beeninterrogated for around two hours on 24 May on subjects unrelated tosecurity or political issues, such as his marital status. At that time, Ziyad had been informed that he would have a hearing on 31May, which several staff members from Al-Haq planned to attend. However,Al-Haq subsequently discovered that Ziyad had first been transferred to theEast Jerusalem Moscobiyya interrogation centre, also known as the RussianCompound, on May 27 and had been interrogated there for approximately threedays. Al-Haq then learnt that the hearing, which was scheduled for 31 May,had taken place a day earlier, thus preventing any staff members fromattending.At the hearing, Ziyad's detention was extended for a further 18 days. Soonthereafter an "Order Prohibiting Meeting with Counsel" was also issued for aperiod from 13.30 on 30 May until 23.59 on 5 June. The order, which has its legal basis under Israeli law in Military Order 378of 1970, is in contravention of international legal protections safeguardingthe rights of detainees. While Israel has derogated from its obligationsunder Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,the UN Human Rights Committee made it clear in its 1998 periodic review ofIsrael's compliance with the treaty that a detained person must be allowedaccess to a lawyer within 48 hours of the detention.Upon learning about the hearing, Al-Haq employed the services of Israelilawyer Leah Tsemel, who has extensive experience defending Palestiniandetainees. Despite the order preventing Ziyad access to a lawyer, Leah wasable to meet Ziyad on 5 June. She reported that he was in good health andhad not been subjected to ill-treatment or torture. Her office submitted anappeal for Ziyad's release, on the grounds that no charges had been broughtagainst him. While Leah was able to meet with Ziyad, two Al-Haq lawyers weresubsequently prevented from doing so, ostensibly because they were not hislegal representatives.The appeal for release was heard on 14 June, at Ofer military court. At thattime the prosecution submitted classified information, which Ziyad's counselwas not permitted to see. On the basis of that evidence the judge dismissedthe appeal and a hearing on the extension of Ziyad's detention, which wasdue to expire in two days, was scheduled for 16 June.Initially, Al-Haq was informed that Ziyad's detention had been extended fora six-month period by a military court on 16 June. However, Al-Haqsubsequently learnt that the Deputy Military Commander of the West Bank hadordered the extension, and that the order would be considered before amilitary court later in the month. The hearing on the order was held on 28 June and the order was confirmed.The judge stipulated that the time Ziyad had spent in detention should counttowards the six months of detention. That means Ziyad cannot expect to bereleased before 23 November of this year, and his detention may be extendedbeyond that date. On July 3rd, Ziyad was transferred to Ansar III prison. The prison, locatedin the Negev Desert, is little more than a series of tents in the middle ofthe desert, and is infamous for its poor conditions. Additionally, Ziyad's family has been unable to visit him. Initially, theywere denied permission. A visit was then scheduled for 13 July through theRed Cross, but it was cancelled in the wake of the Netanya bombing. Ziyad'sfamily has been informed that they will not be allowed to visit him beforeAugust.While an appeal will be launched against Ziyad's detention, it is unlikelythat the decision will be overturned. Ziyad, who is married and has twoyoung children, is the main source of support for his elderly parents andseveral of his siblings who are currently in school or university.No information on why Ziyad is being held has been released. Allinterrogations have focused on apolitical and non-security relatedquestions, and no charges have been brought against him.Further, the possessions Ziyad had with him at the time of his arrest havenot been given to him. When he was transferred from Moscobiyya, he askedabout his books and papers, but he was given only the money he had on him atthat time, and was told that the other items would be transferred to him.This has not happened to date.Under international human rights law, a detained person must be informedpromptly of the reasons for their detention, and administrative detentionmust be of a short duration only, not for an indefinite period. Further,under international humanitarian law, the right to a fair trial isguaranteed and the principle that no one may be convicted or sentenced,except pursuant to a fair trial offering all essential guarantees has beendeemed customary by the International Committee of the Red Cross.Ziyad's situation is not unique. Addameer, a Palestinian prisoners supportand human rights organisation, estimated that at the end of 2004 there wereover 850 Palestinian administrative detainees in Israeli prisons. Further,Israel's widespread and sustained policy of administrative detention issupported by both the government and the judiciary, denying Palestiniandetainees any meaningful protection of their rights.Al-Haq believes that the Israeli policy of administrative detention violatesinternational human rights and humanitarian law. In the absence of clearcharges being brought against Ziyad Hmeidan and provision of a fair trial,we demand his immediate and unconditional release.Relevant Al-Haq Material <http://asp.alhaq.org/zalhaq/site/templates/viewArticle.aspx?fname=../ePublications/190.htm> Al-Haq Demands the Immediate Release of Fieldworker ZiyadHmeidan (press release 16 June 2005) <http://asp.alhaq.org/zalhaq/site/templates/viewArticle.aspx?fname=../ePublications/194.htm> Open Letter to Hina Jilani, Special Represtentative to theSecretary-General on the situation of human rights defenders (26 July 2005)
Merci d'ecrire pour demander sa remise en liberte aux autorites israeliennes
Al-Haq Fieldworker Ziyad Hmeidan in Administrative Detention.
On 23 May 2005, Al-Haq fieldworker Ziyad Muhammad Shehadeh Hmeidan wasdetained at Qalandia checkpoint. Since his detention, Al-Haq has beenfollowing his situation closely and has attempted to secure his release andensure he is not subjected to ill-treatment or torture.Ziyad, who has worked for Al-Haq for five years, was detained on 23 May,around 16.30, while crossing Qalandia checkpoint. Al-Haq learned of hisdetention when two Al-Haq staff members passed through the checkpointseveral hours later and discovered him handcuffed by the checkpoint. Ziyadtold them that he had handed over his ID (#999602097) to Israeli forces, whoran the number through a computer, and then took him aside and handcuffedhim. Ziyad was able to speak to the Al-Haq staff members for about half anhour, after which Israeli soldiers removed him to a small room, ostensiblybecause it was getting cold.Initial contacts made by Al-Haq suggested Ziyad might be taken to Beit ElDCO. However, two days later, Al-Haq learnt that he had initially beentransferred to an open-air facility, believed to be part of the Atarot IDFfacility, and had then been transferred to Etzion detention centre.At Etzion detention centre, Ziyad was able to communicate with lawyers fromother human rights organisations visiting the prison. Through them, Al-Haqlearnt that Ziyad had not been subjected to any physical abuse, and had beeninterrogated for around two hours on 24 May on subjects unrelated tosecurity or political issues, such as his marital status. At that time, Ziyad had been informed that he would have a hearing on 31May, which several staff members from Al-Haq planned to attend. However,Al-Haq subsequently discovered that Ziyad had first been transferred to theEast Jerusalem Moscobiyya interrogation centre, also known as the RussianCompound, on May 27 and had been interrogated there for approximately threedays. Al-Haq then learnt that the hearing, which was scheduled for 31 May,had taken place a day earlier, thus preventing any staff members fromattending.At the hearing, Ziyad's detention was extended for a further 18 days. Soonthereafter an "Order Prohibiting Meeting with Counsel" was also issued for aperiod from 13.30 on 30 May until 23.59 on 5 June. The order, which has its legal basis under Israeli law in Military Order 378of 1970, is in contravention of international legal protections safeguardingthe rights of detainees. While Israel has derogated from its obligationsunder Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,the UN Human Rights Committee made it clear in its 1998 periodic review ofIsrael's compliance with the treaty that a detained person must be allowedaccess to a lawyer within 48 hours of the detention.Upon learning about the hearing, Al-Haq employed the services of Israelilawyer Leah Tsemel, who has extensive experience defending Palestiniandetainees. Despite the order preventing Ziyad access to a lawyer, Leah wasable to meet Ziyad on 5 June. She reported that he was in good health andhad not been subjected to ill-treatment or torture. Her office submitted anappeal for Ziyad's release, on the grounds that no charges had been broughtagainst him. While Leah was able to meet with Ziyad, two Al-Haq lawyers weresubsequently prevented from doing so, ostensibly because they were not hislegal representatives.The appeal for release was heard on 14 June, at Ofer military court. At thattime the prosecution submitted classified information, which Ziyad's counselwas not permitted to see. On the basis of that evidence the judge dismissedthe appeal and a hearing on the extension of Ziyad's detention, which wasdue to expire in two days, was scheduled for 16 June.Initially, Al-Haq was informed that Ziyad's detention had been extended fora six-month period by a military court on 16 June. However, Al-Haqsubsequently learnt that the Deputy Military Commander of the West Bank hadordered the extension, and that the order would be considered before amilitary court later in the month. The hearing on the order was held on 28 June and the order was confirmed.The judge stipulated that the time Ziyad had spent in detention should counttowards the six months of detention. That means Ziyad cannot expect to bereleased before 23 November of this year, and his detention may be extendedbeyond that date. On July 3rd, Ziyad was transferred to Ansar III prison. The prison, locatedin the Negev Desert, is little more than a series of tents in the middle ofthe desert, and is infamous for its poor conditions. Additionally, Ziyad's family has been unable to visit him. Initially, theywere denied permission. A visit was then scheduled for 13 July through theRed Cross, but it was cancelled in the wake of the Netanya bombing. Ziyad'sfamily has been informed that they will not be allowed to visit him beforeAugust.While an appeal will be launched against Ziyad's detention, it is unlikelythat the decision will be overturned. Ziyad, who is married and has twoyoung children, is the main source of support for his elderly parents andseveral of his siblings who are currently in school or university.No information on why Ziyad is being held has been released. Allinterrogations have focused on apolitical and non-security relatedquestions, and no charges have been brought against him.Further, the possessions Ziyad had with him at the time of his arrest havenot been given to him. When he was transferred from Moscobiyya, he askedabout his books and papers, but he was given only the money he had on him atthat time, and was told that the other items would be transferred to him.This has not happened to date.Under international human rights law, a detained person must be informedpromptly of the reasons for their detention, and administrative detentionmust be of a short duration only, not for an indefinite period. Further,under international humanitarian law, the right to a fair trial isguaranteed and the principle that no one may be convicted or sentenced,except pursuant to a fair trial offering all essential guarantees has beendeemed customary by the International Committee of the Red Cross.Ziyad's situation is not unique. Addameer, a Palestinian prisoners supportand human rights organisation, estimated that at the end of 2004 there wereover 850 Palestinian administrative detainees in Israeli prisons. Further,Israel's widespread and sustained policy of administrative detention issupported by both the government and the judiciary, denying Palestiniandetainees any meaningful protection of their rights.Al-Haq believes that the Israeli policy of administrative detention violatesinternational human rights and humanitarian law. In the absence of clearcharges being brought against Ziyad Hmeidan and provision of a fair trial,we demand his immediate and unconditional release.Relevant Al-Haq Material <http://asp.alhaq.org/zalhaq/site/templates/viewArticle.aspx?fname=../ePublications/190.htm> Al-Haq Demands the Immediate Release of Fieldworker ZiyadHmeidan (press release 16 June 2005) <http://asp.alhaq.org/zalhaq/site/templates/viewArticle.aspx?fname=../ePublications/194.htm> Open Letter to Hina Jilani, Special Represtentative to theSecretary-General on the situation of human rights defenders (26 July 2005)
Monday, July 25, 2005
En regardant Jerusalem/ Looking at the Old city of Jerusalem
Samedi 23 Juillet.
Allez deux belles photos pour ne pas oublier que ce pays est aussi magnifique et que je passe aussi de tres beaux moments. Regarder la vieille ville de Jerusalem la nuit a quelque chose de magique. Ce soir la je rencontrais un groupe de pelerins français pour témoigner de ce qui se passe dans les territoires occupés
Pendant leur semaine de voyage ici où ils ont visité les principaux sites .(Nazareth, Jerusalem, Jericho, le désert du Negev, la Mer morte), il y a eu 14 Palestiniens de tués, dont 2 enfants, 45 incursions militaires, 80 Palestiniens arrêtés, 21 maisons transformées en sites militaires, la continuation de la construction du Mur à Jérusalem (voir rapport PCHR).
Ils n’en avaient aucune idée. Ils avaient quand même vu le Mur en entrant à Bethlehem. Je trouvais quand même dommage qu’aucune rencontre n’avait été organisée avec des Palestiniens. J’espère que mon témoignage aura été utile. J’espère que les chrétiens, au nom de la justice, de la compassion, de l’amour pour leurs prochains, qui sont censées être des valeurs essentielles et aussi pour ce que représente pour eux « la Terre sainte » se mobiliseront davantage. Des Eglises ont déjà pris position et prônent le boycott des produits israéliens. Que fait l’Eglise catholique ?
ENGLISH
Here are two nices pictures ;..in order not to forget that this country is beautiful and that I have also some very nice moments. Looking at the Old city of Jerusalem at night has something magical. That night I met a group of French pilgrims to tell them about what is happening in the Palestinian Occupied Territories. During their one-week stay where they visited the main sites (Nazareth, the Neguev Desert, Bethlehem; Jericho, Jerusalem), 14 Palestinians have been killed and among them 2 children, there were 45 military incursions, 80 Palestinians were arrested, 21 houses were seized and transformed into military sites, the Wall has continued to be built, especially around Jerusalem. They have no idea. They had nevertheless seen the Wall in Bethlehem. I thought that it was a shame that no meeting was organised with Palestinians.
I hope that the meeting with them was useful. I hope that Christians will be more active in the name of certain values that are supposed to be essential such as justice, compassion and love and also because of what represents for them the Holy land. Certain Churches have already taken stronger stances, such as the Anglican and also the World Church Council. They now advocate the boycott of Israeli goods. What does the Catholic Church do?
Est-ce vraiment une question de securite?/ Is it really about security?
Passage non-officiel entre Abus Dis et Jerusalem sous le regard des soldats/ Non-Official crossing between Abud Dis and Jerusalem, under the eyes of Israeli soldiers.25 Juillet 2005.
Je suis allée de Bethlehem à Jerusalem en passant par Abu Dis. Normalement on devrait être contrôlé. Abu Dis faisant partie de la Cisjordianie est séparé de Jérusalem. Mais je savais que les Palestiniens passent par un passage dans le Mur, un passage « non-officiel » qui peut être fermé à tout moment. En effet le passage est ouvert et les gens passent entre les barreaux du portail. A ma grande surprise, des soldats israéliens sont là mais ils font passer tout le monde, sans contrôle. Un peu plus loin les gens passent aussi facilement par un autre passage….c’est la même chose avec les barrages, les Palestiniens passent par les côtés, ou par les montagnes. Les soldats le savent très bien. Vraiment s’agit-il de sécurité ou de rendre la vie difficile aux Palestiniens ?
ENGLISH
I wanted to go from Bethlehem to Jerusalem through Abu Dis. Abu Dis is located in the West Bank therefore to go from there to Jerusalem you should be controlled by the Israeli soldiers. But I knew that Palestinians were going from Abu Dis to Jerusalem through a unofficial gate in the Wall, at that place the Wall remains unfinished and you have a gate which can be closed at any time. The Israeli soldiers were there but Palestinians were just going through and there was no control. Also I saw some other crossing that Palestinians were using a little bit further. Thus anybody from the West Bank could then enter Jerusalem. It is the same with many checkpoints, Palestinians can avoid them by going through the mountains, sometimes just by walking a few meters away from the checkpoint. The soldiers know it well. So is it really about security or about making life impossible for Palestinians.
Wednesday, July 20, 2005
de l'universite a de nouvelles funerailles..ainsi va la vie en Palestine/ From university to funerals...so is the life in Palestine
Mercredi 20 Juillet, Universite arabe-americaine de Jenine,Le temps s’accelere et j’ai du mal a tenir mon journal et mes pensees en ordre. Ces quelques derniers jours ont ete tres intenses. Je suis retournée a Al-Aqaba, un tout petit village dans un cadre magnifique qui a reçu plusieurs avis de demolitions, notamment pour le jardin d’enfant et la Mosquée. Le cas doit passer a la cour supreme dans les prochains mois. Le maire Had Sami, handicapé, est admirable par sa volonté de se battre pour son village. J’ai aussi fait des interviews avec des etudiants. On a parlé de leur vie, de leur difficulté, de leurs espoirs. Comme tous les etudiants ils veulent construire un avenir, avoir un bon travail ; fonder une famille. Beaucoup de similitudes chez eux. Tout d’abord la valeur qu’ils accordent a l’education : « Mon education est mon moyen de resister », ' mon stylo est mon arme'. Tous travaillent dur pour reussir. Aussi j’ai été frappée par leur amour profond de la Palestine. La plupart d’entre eux veulent rester ; malgré les difficultés. Enfin, et cela est plus triste, ils ont tous perdu foi en une solution politique, et dans la communauté internationale. L’Intifada va continuer selon eux et la paix n’est pas possible. Comment leur redonner espoir ? Mais peu importe l’avenir- ils ont la volonté de rester et de construire une vie meilleure. Tous ont des histoires tragiques, d’amis perdus, de membres de famille emprisonnés, d’invasion de leur maison par les soldats. Ils savent que tout peut basculer et que l’université n’est pas un sanctuaire.
Au cours d’un entretien avec deux etudiants Mohammad et Rami originaire d’un petit village pres de Jenine, un etudiant a fait irruption pour nous dire que deux jeunes de Yamoun, un village pres de Jenine, ont été tué ce matin par l’armée israélienne. Ils etaient des leaders mocaux des brigades de Al-Aqsa. Les deux jeunes se proposent de m’accompagner. Ainsi va la vie en Palestine. Toujours quelque chose se passe qui interrompt la vie quotidienne. Nous arrivons au village lors de la procession pour les martyrs. Ils sont portés par une foule en colere. Il y a beaucoup de tirs et de larmes. Les corps sont recouvert d’un drap, un deux a été transpercé par le sang qui est maintenant seché. Le moment le plus terrible est lorsque les corps arrivent à l’entrée du cimetière où sont massées les femmes. C’est ici qu’elles vont leur dire un dernier adieu. A travers le zoom de la camera, je decouvre avec horreur les visages tuméfiés, recomposés des martyrs. L’opération militaire a eu lieu dans la matinée. L’armée a encerclé la maison où etaient les deux hommes recherchés, ont coupé des arbres pour dégager la zone et ont commencé à détruire au bulldozer la maison. Un des hommes a tenté de s’enfuir et a été abattu de plusieurs balles dans la tête et le corps. L’autre a péri dans la maison. Morts atroces. Est-ce cela le respect de la trève par Israël ?
Nous passons à la maison détruite, les gens tiennent à me montrer le sang séché où Warrad est mort. Il reste même des morceaux de son crâne. Le soir je vais visiter le village des etudiants. Je reste avec la famille de l’un d’entre eux en toute simplicité. Je passe du bon temps avec les étudiants qui adorent leur village et je peux comprendre pourquoi. Mais j’ai du mal à dormir ce soir là.
ENGLISH
Time is going very fast and have problems to put in order feelings and ideas. Those last days have been very intense. I went to visit a small village on which I was working on last year. Al Aqaba is a beautiful village surrounded by mountains. It has faced many problems in the past because it was in the middle of a military training field. Now the training stopped but problems and threat to its existence continues, through intimidation acts or demolitions orders. The newly built kindergarten and Mosque are now threatened and the case will be brought in front of the Israeli Supreme Court. Hadj Sami, the mayor of the village, is determined to fight for his village.
The next following two days I conducted a serie of interviews with some students of the university. It was very interesting and I was quite moved by some of them. All have their tragic stories to tell, members of family killed or arrested, humiliations at checkpoints, invasions of their homes. They feel not safe at the university and know that everything can rapidly change, for the worse. “My way to resist is my education”, “my weapon is my pen”. Education is considered as the most important thing for them. They are determined to success despite of everything and work very hard. They do not know what the future holds for them but they will try their best. I was especially struck by their love of their country. But also so sad to see that they have no hope for a change and especially do not trust the international community. Who can blame them?
During an interview with two students Mohammad and Ramzy that come from the same village, another student interrupted us to tell us that two members of Al-Aqsa have been killed by the Israeli army in Yamoun, a nearby village. Here is the life in Palestine. Always something comes up to interrupt the daily life. The two students offered me to accompany me in Yamoun. We arrived in the village during the funerals procession. The two bodies were carried by the angry crowed. Men were shooting in the air, while the women standing on the roofs and balconies were crying. One of the sheet that was covering the body was stained with blood. The two martyrs were killed in a very bad way. The Israeli army surrounded the house they were hiding in, destroyed some trees to clear the area and bulldozed the house. One of them Warrad tried to escape and was shot different times in the head and bodies, while Ibrahim was killed in the house. Is that how Israel respects the truce?
The most terrible moment was when the bodies arrived at the entrance of the cemetery where the women of the two families were all waiting to say a last goodbye. They uncovered the sheet and through my camera I discovered with horror the recomposed and swollen faces. The women were shouting and crying.
Then we went to visit the destroyed house and the people took me to see the blood on the floor indicated where Warrad died. There were still some pieces of his skull. I spent the night in the village of the students with their families. People were so nice and the students loved their village. I could understand why. We had a nice time but still I could not sleep very well that night.
de Jenine/From Jenine
19 Juillet 2005
Etudiants de l'universite arab-americaine de Jenine au cafe de l'universite (photo3) et photo de la lune prise au village de Ramzi et Mohammaddans leur village de Anza (photo 1 et 2) ou ils m'ont invitee.
Students from the Arab-American university of Jenine in the coffee shop (photo 3) and picture pf the moon taken in the village of Mohammad and Ramzy (picture 2) where they invited me.
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